mercoledì 31 luglio 2013

Green Light for San Francisco City-Owned Bank

Green Light for San Francisco City-Owned Bank

Banks as Public Utilities

by ELLEN BROWN

Establishing a city-owned San Francisco Bank is not a new idea. According to City Supervisor John Avalos, speaking at the Public Banking Institute conference in San Rafael in June, it has been on the table for over a decade. Recent interest was spurred by the Occupy movement, which adopted the proposal after Avalos presented it to an enthusiastic group of over 1000 protesters outside the Bank of America building in late 2011. David Weidner, writing in the Wall Street Journalin December of that year, called it “the boldest institutional stroke yet against banks targeted by the Occupy movement.” But Weidner conceded that:
Creating a municipal bank won’t be easy. California law forbids using taxpayer money to make private loans. That would have to be changed. Critics also argue that San Francisco could be putting taxpayer money at risk.
The law in question was California Government Code Section 23007, which prohibits a county from “giv[ing] or loan[ing] its credit to or in aid of any person or corporation.” The section has been interpreted as barring cities and counties from establishing municipal banks. But Deputy City Attorney Thomas J. Owen has now put that issue to rest in a written memorandum dated June 21, 2013, in which he states:
1. A court would likely conclude that Section 23007 does not cover San Francisco because the City is a chartered city and county. Similarly, a court would likely conclude that Article XVI, section 6 of the State Constitution, which limits the power of the State Legislature to give or lend the credit of cities or counties, does not apply to the City. . . . [A] court would likely then determine that neither those laws nor the general limitations on expending City funds for a municipal purpose bar the City from establishing a municipal bank.
2. A court would likely conclude that the City may own stock in a municipal bank and spend City money to support the bank’s operation, if the City appropriated funds for that purpose and the operation of the bank served a legitimate municipal purpose.
A number of other California cities that have explored forming their own banks are also affected by this opinion. As of June 2008, 112 of California’s 478 cities are charter citiesincluding not only San Francisco but Los Angeles, Richmond, Oakland and Berkeley. A charter city is one governed by its own charter document rather than by local, state or national laws.
Which Is Riskier, a Public Bank or a Wall Street Bank?
That leaves the question whether a publicly-owned bank would put taxpayer money at risk. The Bank of North Dakota, the nation’s only state-owned bank, has posed no risk to depositors or the state’s taxpayers in nearly a century of successful operation. Further, in this latest recession it has helped the state achieve a nationwide low in unemployment (3.2%) and the only budget surplus in the country.
Meanwhile, the recent wave of bank scandals has shifted the focus to whether local governments can afford to risk keeping their funds in Wall Street banks.
In making investment decisions, cities are required by state law to prioritize security, liquidity and yield, in that order. The city of San Francisco moves between $10 billion and $12 billion through 133 bank accounts in roughly 5 million transactions every year; and its deposits are held chiefly at three banks, Bank of America, Wells Fargo and Union Bank. The city pays $2.7 million for banking services, nearly two-thirds of which consist of transaction fees that smaller banks and credit unions would not impose.  But the city cannot use those smaller banks as depositories because the banks cannot afford the collateral necessary to protect deposits above $250,000, the FDIC insurance limit.
San Francisco and other cities and counties are losing more than just transaction fees to Wall Street. Weidner pointed to the $100 billion that the California pension funds lost as a result of Wall Street malfeasance in 2008; the foreclosures that have wrought havoc on communities and tax revenues; and the liar loans that have negatively impacted not only real estate values but the economy, employment and local and state budgets. Added to that, we now have the LIBOR and municipal debt auction riggings and the Cypress bail-in threat.
On July 23, 2013, Sacramento County filed a major lawsuit against Bank of America, JP Morgan Chase and other mega-banks for manipulating LIBOR rates, a fraud that has imposed huge losses on local governments in ill-advised interest-rate swaps. Sacramento is the 15th government agency in California to sue on the LIBOR rigging, which Rolling Stone’s Matt Taibbi calls “the biggest price-fixing scandal ever.” Other counties in the Bay Area that are suing on the LIBOR fraud are Sonoma and San Mateo, and the city of Richmond sued in January.  Last year, Bank of America and other major banks were also caught rigging municipal debt service auctions, for which they had to pay $673 million in restitution.
The question is, do taxpayers want to have their public monies in a bank that has been proven to be defrauding them?
Compounding the risk is the reason Cyprus “bail in” shocker, in which depositor funds were confiscated to recapitalize two bankrupt Cypriot banks. Dodd-Frank now replaces taxpayer-funded bank bailouts with consumer-funded bail-ins, which can force shareholders, bondholders and depositors to contribute to the cost of bank failure. Europe is negotiating rules imposing bail-ins for failed banks, and the FDIC has a U.S. advisory to that effect. Bank of America now commingles its $1 trillion in deposits with over $70 billion in risky derivatives, and has been pegged as one of the next banks likely to fail in a major gambling mishap.
San Francisco and other local governments have far more than $250,000 on deposit, so they are only marginally protected by the FDIC insurance fund. Their protection is as secured creditors with a claim on bank collateral. The problem is that in a bank bankruptcy, state and local governments will fall in line behind the derivative claimants, which are also secured creditors and now have “super-priority” in bankruptcy. In a major derivatives calamity of the sort requiring a $700 billion bailout in September 2008, there is liable to be little collateral left for either the other secured depositors or the FDIC, which has a meager $25 billion in its insurance fund. Normally, the FDIC would be backstopped by the Treasury – meaning the taxpayers – but Dodd-Frank now bars taxpayer bailouts of bank bankruptcies caused by the majority of speculative derivative losses.
The question today is whether cities and counties can afford not to set up their own municipal banks, both to protect their money from confiscation and to take advantage of the very low interest rates and other perks available exclusively to the banking club. A government that owns its own bank can keep the interest and reinvest it locally, resulting in government savings of an estimated 35% to 40% just in interest. Costs can be reduced, and taxes can be cut or services can be increased. Banking and credit can become public utilities, sustaining the local economy rather than mining it for private gain; and banks can again become safe places to store our money.
ELLEN BROWN is an attorney and president of the Public Banking Institute.  In Web of Debt, her latest of eleven books, she shows how a private banking oligarchy has usurped the power to create money from the people themselves, and how we the people can get it back. Brown’s latest book is The Public Bank Solution. Her websites are http://WebofDebt.comhttp://EllenBrown.com, and http://PublicBankingInstitute.org. 

Bank Of England Helped Reichsbank

Bank Of England Helped Reichsbank Sell Its Nazi Gold

Zero Hedge
July 31, 2013
We previously showed hard evidence of the Bank of England’s complicit hiding of the truth about the quality of Bundesbank gold stored in the Fed’s vaults. A few weeks later in a “completely unrelated” action, the Bundesbank dramatically shifted its recent stance, and demanded that its gold be repatriated into its own vaults (and we now know the impact that has had on the paper-physical paper markets). However, in yet another one of the ‘darkest episodes in central banking history’ the FT reports, the Bank of England facilitated the sale of gold that was looted by the Nazis after their invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1938Of course, judging today’s central bankers by this ethical (and potentially criminal) behavior of over 70 years ago is unfair but it is notable that the pattern of whatever-it-takes and at-all-costs decisions, coupled with pervasive opacity and stark unaccountability, appear to have been formed a long time ago.
The Bank of England played a vital role in one of the darkest episodes in central banking history, facilitating the sale of gold looted by the Nazis after their invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1938.
According to a hitherto unpublished history of the BoE’s activities in and around the second world war, the UK’s central bank sold gold on behalf of the Reichsbank – which Germany’s central bank had seized from its Czech counterpart – after the UK government had frozen all Czech assets held in Britain following the Nazi invasion.
The episode has long weighed on the reputation of the BIS. However, what has received less attention is the role of the BoE in the affair…
It would appear they knew what the right thing to do was… but politics meant ignore the ethics for the preservation of the status quo…
So just how powerful is the Central Bank?
…the UK’s central bank prioritised the appeasement of the BIS over the British government’s wishes to freeze the sale of Czech assets.
The history, written by BoE officials and completed in 1950 but never published, also records that the UK central bank sold gold after this date on behalf of the Nazis –and without waiting for the consent of the British government – on the back of pressure from the BIS.
The documents also show that Montagu Norman, then governor of the BoE, was opaque in his communications with John Simon, the chancellor at the time, when pressed on whether the central bank still held the Czech gold.
This episode did not go unnoticed in the US press…

martedì 30 luglio 2013

IMF and global finance to block Tunisia

How the IMF and global finance are trying to block a democratic examination of Tunisia's debt

17 July 2013
One year ago today, a bill to audit the Tunisian public debt was submitted to the Assembly.
By Chafik Ben Rouine, Auditons les Créances envers la Tunisie (Campaign to Audit Tunisia’s debt)
Protest against Ben Ali in Tunisia
The debt audit was one of the first economic and social demands to have emerged during the first phase of the revolution in Tunisia. Servicing debt in Tunisia is both a barrier to development and an instrument of plunder and submission inherent in the process of ensuring countries in the global south are indebted to countries in the north.

Submitting to international financial institutions like this also allowed the now deposed dictator to get rich on the back of the Tunisian people, thanks to the corrupt support of the lenders of these odious debts. An instrument of economic, social and political submission, and a political lever designed to ensure foreign interference, debt is key to the liberation of oppressed peoples. It is in this context that we are campaigning for a debt audit in Tunisia.

The debt audit is a powerful citizen tool that will allow the subtle techniques used to arrange illegitimate debts to be unravelled, debts that were not repayable and which constitute illegitimate debts, embezzlement and corruption. Unravel everything, understand what was done and learn from it to help us move towards a political system that’s more in line with the aspirations of the Tunisian people - that is the fundamental objective of the debt audit.

And yet the ground was not fertile in the narrow circles of power for this kind of initiative. Decades of reforms to the education system under the supervision of the World Bank had trained battalions adhering to all the key tenets of neoliberalism. Against all the odds, however, citizen mobilizations on both sides of the Mediterranean led to the European Parliament’s recognition of the odious nature of the debt in the Arab spring countries and the Belgian Senate passed a resolution in favour of an audit of Tunisian debt.

That enabled us to ensure the question of the debt audit was at the heart of policy formation in October 2011, when the very first democratic elections in Tunisia were held, a time of promises. Every party, from the Communists to the Islamists to the Social Democrats, said they were in favour of a debt audit. That was before the elections took place, of course. We took these politicians at their word, and increased the pressure on them after the election to realise their promises to audit the debt.

The example of Ecuador was at the forefront of everyone’s minds at the time. After a few meetings with some MPs who were interested in the project, including Mabrouka M'barek whose support was decisive, a bill was drafted and signed by MPs from all parties except Ennahdha. On 17 July 2012 an African parliament tabled for the very first time a bill on a citizens’ audit of public debt. It was a tribute to everyone who had risen up against the injustice of the debt that was used to humiliate and oppress the continent, and of course a tribute to the distinguished assassinated President of Burkina Faso, Thomas Sankara.

But that was without counting on the hysterical activism of the dominant international financial system: successive downgrades of Tunisia’s sovereign credit rating by the ratings agencies, diplomatic pressure and barely concealed threats exerted enormous pressure on the economically inexperienced fragile coalition government. Until one day in February 2013, under this unbearable pressure, when the Secretary of State for Finance at the time, Mr. Besbes, announced in the media that the proposed bill on the debt audit was being withdrawn.

Scandal in the Assembly! Mr Besbes, having ignored the democratic principle of the separation of power between the executive and the legislature, was forced to back down. This episode shows the extent to which the debt audit highlighted the duplicity of the Western powers which on the one hand support democracy in Tunisia but on the other hand weaken democracy in Tunisia as soon as their interests are threatened or there is the merest hint of a challenge to their dominance.

Since then, the bill has languished in a pile of other projects in the National Constituent Assembly. Tunisia’s political parties clearly don’t want to take a position on a subject they know is so sensitive it means you can see clearly who is genuinely representing the interests of the people and who is just continuing a political comedy that has already been going on for far too long. It is time to take action and pass this historic legislation that was first submitted to the Assembly on 17 July 2012, exactly one year ago today.

The Trial Of Money - By: Shaykh Soud as-Shuraim

The Trial Of Money:

By: Shaykh Soud as-Shuraim

Source: Taken from a Khutbah delivered in Masjid al-Haram, Makkah on 17, Sha'baan 1425 (1st October, 2004)

All praise is due to Allaah, Lord of all the worlds. Peace and blessings of Allaah be upon the Messenger, his household and companions.

Fellow Muslims! Fear Allaah as He should be feared and be conscious of Him in private and public. Be prepared for the Day of Resurrection, for the Hour will definitely come and Allaah will resurrect the inhabitants of the graves.

Dear Muslims! Competition to attain the possessions of this world is the habit of people in the past and present. This competition, along with avarice, increases the more people rush after the beauties and temptations of this world so much so that some adventurous people crave after mere mirage. This is because; most people are infatuated by the adornments of this world, on the top of which is money. Allaah endowed mankind with this money so that it could change hands among people through commercial dealings. The people have been so much preoccupied with transactions that it has become the only thing in which they gamble, as if there are running away frantically from poverty. This has made them fall in what the Messenger of Allaah (sall-Allaahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) warned against when he said, "By Allaah, it is not poverty that I am not afraid for you. I am rather afraid that Allaah might open for you the treasures of this world if it has been done for those who were before you, and you might compete over it as did those who were before you, and get destroyed as those who were before you." (Al-Bukhaaree and Muslim)

However, this hot competition is not free from injustices, slander, trickery, jealousy and eating up people's wealth wrongfully. If any competition is devoid of moderation and justness, it will have horrible consequences. It is here that crisis surfaced when people commit aggression against one another and curse one another. This consequence is a confirmation of the Prophet's (sall-Allaahu ‘alayhi wa sallam) sayings, "Every nation has a trial and the trial of this Ummah is money." (At-Tirmidhee)

QE3 AND THE SHADOW BANKING

COLLATERAL DAMAGE: QE3 AND THE SHADOW BANKING SYSTEM
MON, 7/22/2013 - BY ELLEN BROWN
Rather than expanding the money supply, quantitative easing has actually caused it to shrink by sucking up the collateral needed by the shadow banking system to create credit. But that does not mean QE should be replaced with austerity, as recommended by the BIS. Rather, it could be directed into the real, producing economy, which still needs a good infusion of money to stimulate demand.
The effect of Ben Bernanke’s May 29th speech signaling the beginning of the end of QE3 was to wipe about $3 trillion from global equity markets. The Fed Chairman said the central bank may moderate its pace of asset purchases, in which it has been buying $85 billion in US Treasuries and mortgage-backed securities per month; and that if the economy continues to improve, it may stop the third round of quantitative easing altogether by mid-2014.
Commentators called the violent market reaction a “taper tantrum.” One analyst wrote, “As the parent of a one-year-old I am familiar with such things. When something is taken away from the one-year-old, she more often than not throws a tantrum — even if the thing taken away was of no consequence.”
Bernanke than played the indulgent parent and went into damage control mode, assuring investors that the Fed would “continue to implement highly accommodative monetary policy” (meaning interest rates would not change) and that tapering was contingent on conditions that look unlikely this year. The only thing now likely to be tapered in 2013 is the Fed’s growth forecast.
It is a neoliberal maxim that “the market is always right,” but as former World Bank chief economist Joseph Stiglitz showed, the maxim only holds when the market has perfect information. The market seems to be deluded about QE, what it achieves, and what harm can it do.
Unintended Consequences
The popular perception is that QE stimulates the economy by increasing bank reserves, which increase the money supply through a multiplier effect. But as shown earlier here, QE is just an asset swap – assets for cash reserves that never leave bank balance sheets. As University of Chicago Professor John Cochrane put it in a May 23rd blog:
"QE is just a huge open market operation. The Fed buys Treasury securities and issues bank reserves instead. Why does this do anything? Why isn't this like trading some red M&Ms for some green M&Ms and expecting it to affect your weight? . . . [W]e have $3 trillion or so [in] bank reserves. Bank reserves can only be used by banks, so they don't do much good for the rest of us."
The reserves may not do much, but the Treasuries they replaced, it seems, are in high demand. Cochrane discusses a May 23rd Wall Street Journal article by Andy Kessler titled “The Fed Squeezes the Shadow-Banking System,” in which Kessler argued that QE3 has backfired. Rather than stimulating the economy by expanding the money supply, it has contracted the money supply by removing the collateral needed by the shadow banking system, which now supplies about half the credit available to the economy.
Kessler wrote:
"[T]he Federal Reserve's policy—to stimulate lending and the economy by buying Treasurys—is creating a shortage of safe collateral, the very thing needed to create credit in the shadow banking system for the private economy. The quantitative easing policy appears self-defeating, perversely keeping economic growth slower and jobs scarcer."
That explains what he calls the great economic paradox of our time:
"Despite the Federal Reserve's vast, 4½-year program of quantitative easing, the economy is still weak, with unemployment still high and labor-force participation down. And with all the money pumped into the economy, why is there no runaway inflation? . . . "The explanation lies in the distortion that Federal Reserve policy has inflicted on something most Americans have never heard of: 'repos,' or repurchase agreements, which are part of the equally mysterious but vital 'shadow banking system.' "The way money and credit are created in the economy has changed over the past 30 years. Throw away your textbook."
Fractional Reserve Lending Without the Reserves
The post-textbook form of money creation to which Kessler referred was explained in a July 2012 article by IMF researcher Manmohan Singh titled “The (Other) Deleveraging: What Economists Need to Know About the Modern Money Creation Process.” He wrote:
"In the simple textbook view, savers deposit their money with banks and banks make loans to investors . . . . The textbook view, however, is no longer a sufficient description of the credit creation process. A great deal of credit is created through so-called 'collateral chains.' "We start from two principles: credit creation is money creation, and short-term credit is generally extended by private agents against collateral. Money creation and collateral are thus joined at the hip, so to speak. In the traditional money creation process, collateral consists of central bank reserves; in the modern private money creation process, collateral is in the eye of the beholder."
Like the reserves in conventional fractional reserve lending, collateral can be re-used (or rehypothecated) several times over:
"[C]ollateral that backs one loan can in turn be used as collateral against further loans, so the same underlying asset ends up as securing loans worth multiples of its value. Of course the re-pledging cannot go on forever, as haircuts [the percentage devaluation at which the asset trades] progressively reduce the credit-raising potential of the underlying asset, but ultimately, several lenders are counting on the underlying assets as backup in case things go wrong."
Singh gives the example of a U.S. Treasury bond used by a hedge fund to get financing from Goldman Sachs. The same collateral is used by Goldman to pay Credit Suisse on a derivative position. Then Credit Suisse passes the US Treasury bond to a money market fund that will hold it for a short time or until maturity.
Singh states that at the end of 2007, about $3.4 trillion in “primary source” collateral was turned into about $10 trillion in pledged collateral – a multiplier of about three. By comparison, the US M2 money supply (the credit-money created by banks via fractional reserve lending) was only about $7 trillion in 2007. Thus credit-creation-via-collateral-chains is a major source of credit in today’s financial system.
Exiting Without Panicking the Markets
The shadow banking system is controversial. It funds derivatives and other speculative ventures that may harm the real, producing economy or put it at greater risk. But the shadow system is also a source of credit for many businesses that would otherwise be priced out of the credit market, and for such things as credit cards that we have come to rely on. Moreover, whether we approve of the shadow system or not, depriving it of collateral could create mayhem in the markets. According to the Treasury Borrowing Advisory Committee of the Securities and Financial Markets Association, the shadow system could be short as much as $11.2 trillion in collateral under stressed market conditions. That means that if every collateral claimant tried to grab its collateral in a Lehman-like run, the whole fragile Ponzi scheme could collapse.
That alone is reason for the Fed to prevent “taper tantrums” and keep the market pacified. But the Fed is under pressure from the Swiss-based Bank for International Settlements, which has been admonishing central banks to back off from their asset-buying ventures. The BIS said in its annual report in June:
"Central banks cannot do more without compounding the risks they have already created. . . . [They must] encourage needed adjustments rather than retard them with near-zero interest rates and purchases of ever-larger quantities of government securities. . . . "Delivering further extraordinary monetary stimulus is becoming increasingly perilous, as the balance between its benefits and costs is shifting. "Monetary stimulus alone cannot provide the answer because the roots of the problem are not monetary. Hence, central banks must manage a return to their stabilization role, allowing others to do the hard but essential work of adjustment."
“Adjustment” evidently means “structural adjustment” – imposing austerity measures on the people in order to balance federal budgets and pay off national debts.
The BIS concludes from the failure of QE that the roots of the problem are not monetary, but the flaw may not be in the theory but in the execution of QE. The money has not gotten into the real economy but has gotten trapped on bank balance sheets. Businesses still need “demand” before they can hire, which means they need customers with money to spend; and that money is not available today. A true Bernanke-style helicopter drop, raining money down on the people, has yet to be tried.
The Fed could avoid collateral damage to the shadow banking system without curtailing its quantitative easing program by taking the novel approach of directing its QE fire hose into the real market. One possibility would be to buy up $1 trillion in student debt and refinance it at 0.75%, the interest rate the Fed gives to banks. A similar solution to the student debt problem was proposed by Elizabeth Warren in her student loan bill, which has received a groundswell of support, including from many colleges and universities.
Another alternative would be to make loans to state and local governments at 0.75%, something that might have prevented the recent bankruptcy of Detroit, once the nation’s fourth-largest city. Yet another would be to pour QE money into an infrastructure bank that funds New Deal-style rebuilding.
The Federal Reserve Act might have to be modified, but what Congress wrought, it can change. The possibilities are limited only by the imaginations of our Congress people, and by the chokehold imposed by the financial institutions that bankroll them.
 

Robbery of Cyprus bank accounts doubles

Robbery of Cyprus bank accounts doubles in size

Bank of Cyprus depositors lose 47.5 pct of savings
Adan Salazar
Infowars.com
July 29, 2013
Bank depositors in the eastern Mediterranean island of Cyprus who have been fortunate enough to have saved over €100,000 in their private bank accounts will have more than twice as much pillaged from their savings as they were initially led to believe last March, in a deal reached which bankers say is necessary to fund the nation’s $13 billion “bail-in” package.
 Bank of Cyprus huge offices in Aglandjia suburb of Nicosia Republic of Cyprus / By Petros3, via Wikimedia Commons
Bank of Cyprus huge offices in Aglandjia suburb of Nicosia Republic of Cyprus / By Petros3, via Wikimedia Commons
“The Cypriot government says depositors at the country’s largest bank will lose 47.5 per cent of their savings over the 100,000-euro ($132,519.46 US dollars) insurance limit,” reported CBC News.
Deputy government spokesman Victoras Papadopoulos said the European Central Bank had reached “a definite percentage”for the bail-in Monday during negotiations with the European Commission, the International Monetary Fund and troika representatives.
Savers were already bracing for a 60 percent wealth confiscation as initial estimates speculated the “bail in” package at around 37.5 percent, with an additional 22.5 percent of deposits being held in escrow until the government could hammer out the finer details of the bank’s restructuring.
At the same time, savers had no choice.
Banks closed for nearly two weeks after news of the “haircut,” and imposed draconian measures to prevent savers from trying to pull their cash at the last minute, “including unprecedented restrictions on debit card use and cash withdrawals.”
As terms of the deal specify, Cyprus’ second largest banker Laiki will be forced to close, and the nation’s second largest lender, the Bank of Cyprus, will impose a “haircut” on shareholders, bondholders and depositors with accounts larger than €100,000, as funds are only insured up to that amount.
The confiscation of savers’ funds should be viewed as a red alert warning to flagging nations and all who place faith in the Eurozone monetary system. They can and will plunder the wealth of middle class citizens without thinking twice.
“Anyone with an ounce of common sense who has over €100,000 euros deposited in European banks should now be scrambling to convert some of it to precious metals or at least spreading it out in smaller amounts between different banks,” Prison Planet.com editor Paul Joseph Watson wrote in March.
According to Zero Hedge, the fact that the “tax” has upgraded from an initially proposed “37.5 percent gentle trim” to more of a “47.5 percent Brazilian wax,” is not a good sign:
Alas, we have bad news for Cyprus, or rather for those evil oligarchs (and other innocent and naive people who believed the lies) who still haven’t managed to bribe enough local bankers and pull what remains of their money: the “final” haircut will be far higher than 47.5%. And at a 10% rate of increase every 3 months, we expect the final 60%+ haircut to be revealed some time before the end of the year.
Similar sentiments have been echoed by Danish Saxo Bank CEO Lars Seier Christensen, who believes Cyprus’ bailout “could be the beginning of the end for the Eurozone as this is an unbelievable blow to the already challenged trust that might be left among investors.”
“If you can do this once, you can do it again,” Christensen wrote on his blog at TradingFloor.com back in March when the Cypriot government was still mulling over a levy of 9.9 percent. “If you can confiscate 10 percent of a bank customer’s money, you can confiscate 25, 50 or even 100 percent. I now believe we will see worse as the panic increases, with politicians desperately trying to keep the EUR alive.”

sabato 13 luglio 2013

Bank To Spy On Customers Via Cellphone

Bank To Spy On Customers Via Cellphone Location Tracking

  •  




It’s not just the government watching you
Paul Joseph Watson
Infowars.com
July 12, 2013
Image: Wikimedia Commons
It’s not just governments that are using cellphone location data to spy on citizens – banks are now getting in on the act too – with Barclays announcing changes to its customer agreement that will open the door to individuals being tracked in the name of preventing fraud.
Barclays’ new customer agreement terms (PDF) – set to come into force from October 9, 2013, will also permit the bank to collect social networking data as well as using private transaction information to bombard customers with unsolicited “services and products”.
“The information we use will include location data derived from any mobile device details you have given us. This helps us protect you from fraud,” states the document.
This suggests that phone companies in Britain must have given Barclays some kind of back door access to people’s private cellphones in order to track their precise location, whether in real time or after potential fraud has been reported.
All modern cellphones can be tracked down a location which is accurate within 50 meters. Police, governments and corporations already use such data to spy on individuals for both surveillance and data harvesting.
The changes also state that Barclays will track the behavior of its customers via social media. The bank will also retain “images of you or recordings of your voice” in addition to monitoring “transactions on your account, to increase our understanding of services and products that you may wish to use so we can send you information about them.”
Read the full list of changes below.
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Paul Joseph Watson is the editor and writer for Infowars.com and Prison Planet.com. He is the author of Order Out Of Chaos. Watson is also a host for Infowars Nightly News.

giovedì 11 luglio 2013

Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism


Lenin. Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, 1916
Its Relation to a Culture of Peace for the 21st Century
http://sfr-21.org/imp-hsc.html

Sources
Marx and Engels:
Communist Manifesto

Marx:
Civil War in France

Marx:
Alienation

Marx:
Theory of History

Marx and Engels:
On Human Nature

Engels:
Anti-Dühring

Engels:
Violence and the Origin of the State

Engels:
Socialism: Utopian and Scientific

Marx, Engels, Lenin:
On Dialectics

Lenin:
What is to be done?

Lenin:
Imperialism

Lenin:
The State and Revolution

Lenin: War Communism
Lenin:
The Cultural Revolution

Lenin:
Left-Wing Communism

Lenin:
The American Revolutions

Lenin:
The French Revolutions

Lenin:
On Workers Control

Lenin:
On Religion

Lenin:
On the Arms Race

Trotsky:
Militarization of Labor

Luxemburg:
Russian Revolution

Zetkin:
The Women's Question

Mao:
Role of Communist Party

Mao:
On Violence

Mao:
On the Army

Mao:
On Women

Mao:
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution

Mao and Fidel:
Fall of the American Empire

Guevara:
Man and Socialism in Cuba

Hall and Winston:
Fighting Racism

Fanon:
National Liberation and Culture

Cabral: National Liberation and Culture
Nkrumah: Neo-Colonialism

Lenin undertook his detailed study of Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism in 1916, basing it on the research of an English economist named Hobson. His analysis continues to explain what is happening in the world today as we enter the 21st Century.
Lenin saw capitalism evolving into a higher stage. The key to understanding it was an economic analysis of the transition from free competititon to monopoly: "...imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism." As Lenin would point out in another article written in 1916 (Imperialism and the Split in Socialism), imperialism was a new development that had been predicted but not yet seen by Marx and Engels.
Lenin provides a careful, 5-point definition of imperialism: "(1) the concentration of production and capital has developed to such a high stage that it has created monopolies which play a decisive role in economic life; (2) the merging of bank capital with industrial capital, and the creation, on the basis of this "finance capital", of a financial oligarchy; (3) the export of capital as distinguished from the export of commodities acquires exceptional importance; (4) the formation of international monopolist capitalist associations which share the world among themselves, and (5) the territorial division of the whole world among the biggest capitalist powers is completed. Imperialism is capitalism at that stage of development at which the dominance of monopolies and finance capital is established; in which the export of capital has acquired pronounced importance; in which the division of the world among the international trusts has begun, in which the division of all territories of the globe among the biggest capitalist powers has been completed."
At the present time, we can easily recognize in Lenin's analysis, not only American and European imperialism, but also the World Bank, IMF, WTO and Third-World debt, as described in 1965 by Kwame Nkrumah in Neo-colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism.
Imperialism is enormously profitable. Hobson estimated that in 1899 it had provide Great Britain an income of 90 million to 100 million pounds on the basis of its foreign capital, "the income of the rentiers." As Lenin emphasized, "The income of the rentiers is five times greater than the income obtained from the foreign trade of the biggest "trading" country in the world! This is the essence of imperialism and imperialist parasitism... The world has become divided into a handful of usurer states and a vast majority of debtor states. 'At the top of the list of foreign investments,' says SchuIze-Gaevernitz, 'are those placed in politically dependent or allied countries: Great Britain grants loans to Egypt, Japan, China and South America. Her navy plays here the part of bailiff in case of necessity.'"
In another article around the same time, War and Revolution, Lenin was more specific about the fact that imperialism uses its military as the "bailiff": "Peace reigned in Europe, but this was because domination over hundreds of millions of people in the colonies by the European nations was sustained only through constant, incessant, interminable wars, which we Europeans do not regard as wars at all, since all too often they resembled, not wars, but brutal massacres, the wholesale slaughter of unarmed peoples."
Beginning in 1919, imperialism turned its war machine against the Russian Revolution, invading from all sides, in an unsuccessful attempt to "strangle the baby in its cradle." From that time on, the imperialist culture of war has targeted all socialist revolutions as the enemy and attacked them either directly by invasions or indirectly through the Cold War, the arms race and the sabotage of the CIA, etc.
War, for imperialism, is not only used to conquer and control the colonies and to prevent the development of socialism, but also to compete with other imperialist powers. Periods of peace, says Lenin, are "nothing more than a 'truce' in periods between wars." World War I, to Lenin, could only be understood as an inter-imperialist war. And a few years later, in a speech on December 6, 1920, Lenin would foresee that a second inter-imperialist war was brewing that would pit Japan against the United States and Germany against the rest of Europe.
The superprofits of imperialism enable the capitalists to buy off the workers in the home country. Lenin points out that this had been foreseen by Engels in a letter to Marx as early as 1858, "The English proletariat is actually becoming more and more bourgeois ... For a nation which exploits the whole world, this is of course to a certain extent justifiable." Lenin confirms that this trend had continued to develop and was accompanied by opportunism on the part of many working class leaders and socialist writers. He carefully analyzes and dismisses the opportunism of Kautsky and his followers and concludes that "the fight against imperialism is a sham and humbug unless it is inseparably bound up with the fight against opportunism"
Today imperialism, in the form of neo-colonialism, continues to profit enormously from the culture of war. The imperial powers profit directly from the exploitation of workers and the environment under the protection of their own or proxy military force. But that is not all. They also profit financially from interest on the debts they impose and from the depression of prices for the raw materials they obtain.
Revolutionary countries cannot succeed in direct competition with the capitalist culture of war by establishing their own socialist culture of war. If there is any lesson of the 20th Century that revolutionaries must take to heart, it is the fact that the profits of capitalist imperialism enable it to outperform a socialism culture of war in head-to-head competition.
In the long run, however, imperialism is sowing the seeds of its own destruction. As Mao and Fidel have pointed out, it is only a matter of time before the American empire crashes. This will leave a void of power in the world, and it is up to us whether that void is filled by new cultures of war or by a revolutionary culture of peace

DSGE models – empirically irrelevant

DSGE models – empirically irrelevant and logically incoherent - July 8, 2013 from Lars Syll - https://rwer.wordpress.com/2013/07/08/dsge-models-empirically-irrelevant-and-logically-incoherent/

Something about the way economists construct their models doesn’t sit right.
Economic models are often acknowledged to be unrealistic, and Friedmanite ‘assumptions don’t matter‘ style arguments are used to justify this approach. The result is that internal mechanics aren’t really closely examined. However, when it suits them, economists are prepared to hold up internal mechanics to empirical verification – usually in order to preserve key properties and mathematical relevance. The result is that models are constructed in such a way that, instead of trying to explain how the economy works, they deliberately avoid both difficult empirical and difficult logical questions. This is particularly noticeable with the Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium (DSGE) models that are commonly employed in macroeconomics …
The fact is that DSGE models themselves are not “empirically relevant”. They assume that agents are optimising, that markets tend to clear, that the economy is an equilibrium time path. They use ‘log linearisation’, a method which doesn’t even pretend to do anything other make the equations easier to solve by forcibly eliminating the possibility of multiple equilibria. On top of this, they generally display poor empirical corroboration. Overall, the DSGE approach is structured toward preserving the use of microfoundations, while at the same time invoking various – often unrealistic – processes in order to generate something resembling dynamic behaviour.
Economists tacitly acknowledge this, as they will usually say that they use this type of model to highlight one or two key mechanics, rather than to attempt to build a comprehensive model of the economy. Ask an economist if people really maximise utility; if the economy is in equilibrium; if markets clear, and they will likely answer “no, but it’s a simplification, designed to highlight problem x”. Yet when questioned about some of the more surreal logical consequences of all of the ‘simplifications’ made, economists will appeal to the real world. This is not a coherent perspective.
Neoclassical economics uses an ‘axiomatic deductive‘ approach, attempting to logically deduce theories from basic axioms about individual choice under scarcity. Economists have a stock of reasons to do this: it is ‘rigorous’; it bases models on policy invariant parameters; it incorporates the fact that the economy ultimately consists of agents consciously making decisions, etc. If you were to suggest internal mechanics based on simple empirical observations, conventional macroeconomists would likely reject your approach.
Modern DSGE models are constructed using these types of axioms … This allows macroeconomists to draw clear mathematical implications from their models, while the assumptions are justified on the grounds of empiricism … Yet the model as a whole has very little to do with empiricism, and economists rarely claim otherwise. What we end up with is a clearly unrealistic model, constructed not in the name of empirical relevance or logical consistency, but in the name of preserving key conclusions and mathematical tractability …
A consequence of this methodological ‘dance’ is that it can be difficult to draw conclusions about which DSGE models are potentially sound. One example of this came from the blogosphere, via Noah Smith. Though Noah has previously criticised DSGE models, he recently noted - approvingly - that there exists a DSGE model that is quite consistent with the behaviour of key economic variables during the financial crisis. This increased my respect for DSGE somewhat, but my immediate conclusion still wasn’t “great! That model is my new mainstay”. After all, so many DSGE models exist that it’s highly probable that some simplistic curve fitting would make one seem plausible. Instead, I was concerned with what’s going on under the bonnet of the model – is it representative of the actual behaviour of the economy?
Sadly, the answer is no. Said DSGE model includes many unrealistic mechanics: most of the key behaviour appears to be determined by exogenous ‘shocks’  to risk, investment, productivity etc without any explanation. This includes the oft-mocked ‘Calvo fairy’, which imitates sticky prices by assigning a probability to firms randomly changing their prices at any given point. Presumably, this behaviour is justified on the grounds that all models are unrealistic in one way or another. But if we have constructed the model to avoid key problems … how can we justify using something as blatantly unrealistic as the Calvo fairy? Either we shed a harsh light on all internal mechanics, or on none …
I am aware that DSGE and macro are only a small part of economics, and many economists agree that DSGE – at least in its current form - is yielding no fruit (although these same economists may still be hostile to outside criticism). Nevertheless, I wonder if this problem extends to other areas of economics, as economists can sometimes seem less concerned with explaining economic phenomena than with utilising their preferred approach. I believe internal mechanics are important, and if economists agree, they should expose every aspect of their theories to empirical verification, rather merely those areas which will protect their core conclusions.
To me this confirms what I have been arguing for years now – neoclassical economic theory is in the story-telling business.
Neoclassical economics has since long given up on the real world and contents itself with proving things about thought up worlds. Empirical evidence only plays a minor role in economic theory, where models largely function as a substitute for empirical evidence. But “facts kick”, as Gunnar Myrdal used to say. Hopefully humbled by the manifest failure of its theoretical pretences, the one-sided, almost religious, insistence on axiomatic-deductivist modeling as the only scientific activity worthy of pursuing in economics will give way to methodological pluralism based on ontological considerations rather than formalistic tractability.
Modern macroeconomics builds on the myth of us knowing the “data-generating process” and that we can describe the variables of our evolving economies as drawn from an urn containing stochastic probability functions with known means and variances.
In the end this is what it all boils down to. We all know that many activities, relations, processes and events are genuinely uncertain. The data do not unequivocally single out one decision as the only “rational” one. Neither the economist, nor the deciding individual, can fully pre-specify how people will decide when facing uncertainties and ambiguities that are ontological facts of the way the world works.
Some macroeconomists, however, still want to be able to use their hammer. So they decide to pretend that the world looks like a nail, and pretend that uncertainty can be reduced to risk. So they construct their mathematical models on that assumption. 
If macroeconomic models – no matter of what ilk –  build on microfoundational assumptions of representative actors, rational expectations, market clearing and equilibrium, and we know that real people and markets cannot be expected to obey these assumptions, the warrants for supposing that conclusions or hypothesis of causally relevant mechanisms or regularities can be bridged, are obviously non-justifiable. Incompatibility between actual behaviour and the behaviour in macroeconomic models building on representative actors and rational expectations-microfoundations is not a symptom of “irrationality”. It rather shows the futility of trying to represent real-world target systems with models flagrantly at odds with reality.
A gadget is just a gadget – and brilliantly silly DSGE models do not help us working with the fundamental issues of modern economies.

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