giovedì 1 aprile 2010

CMKM Diamonds and the $3.87 trillion lawsuit

Manhattan Headlines Examiner

CMKM Diamonds and the $3.87 trillion lawsuit you didn't hear about

March 30, 7:10 PMManhattan Headlines ExaminerTim Barello
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"Conscience and law" [Photo Credit: Marcel Douwe Dekker]



As the United States continues to fracture in every way imaginable, most citizens are unable to keep up with the never-ending hodgepodge of government corruption. Each day, a new larger-than-life scandal emerges, and in the short mind span of news media, there is always a bigger and better story to chase. Right now, the hot button issue for mainstream news outlets is healthcare reform, and its myriad implications for our society; this doubtlessly ensures the aforementioned media will continue to overlook unprecedented accusations brought forth in a recent $3.87 trillion lawsuit against U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission Chairman Mary L. Shapiro, as well as several other current and former SEC commissioners, among others.

This Bivens action suit represents the largest fraud case in world history, and was filed in the U.S. District Court, Central District of California, on January 8th by Pasadena attorney Al Hodges; in his complaint, made on behalf of CMKM Diamonds shareholders, Hodges alleges that:
[Complaint paragraph 31] During the period of June 1, 2004 through October 28, 2005 a total of 2.25 Trillion “phantom” shares of CMKM Diamonds Inc, was sold into the public market through legitimate brokers, illegitimate brokers and dealers, market makers, hedge funds, ex-clearing transactions and private transactions. The sales of the majority of such shares were at all times known to the Securities and Exchange Commission, including Defendants herein.
[Complaint paragraph 32] At some date prior to June 1, 2004 the Securities and Exchange Commission in concert with the Department of Justice of the United States, together combined with Robert A. Maheu and others to utilize CMKM Diamonds, Inc. for the purpose of trapping a number of widely disbursed entities and persons who were believed to be engaged in naked short selling of CMKM Diamonds Inc. stock and cellar boxing the company.
The Securities and Exchange Commission and the Department of Justice, with assistance from the Department of Homeland Security, believed and developed evidence that said short sellers were utilizing their activities to illegally launder moneys, wrongfully export moneys, avoid payment of taxes, and to support foreign terrorist operations.
To fulfill the plan to criminally trap such wrongdoers, the Securities and Exchange Commission, with assistance from the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security:

(a) Assisted in and approved the retention of Roger Glenn, an ex-SEC trial attorney and drafter of Sarbanes-Oxley, to join CMKM Diamonds Inc. for the purpose of verifying claims value, increasing authorized shares of stock to 800,000,000,000, and supervising from the inside of the company;

(b) Encouraged the company to expand its promotional activities, assisted in the set up of the “racing activities” of the company, and underwrote a substantial portion of the cost of such activities;

(c) Consented to, facilitated, and supported the sale of certain company claims to several foreign corporations;

(d) Consented to, facilitated, and supported the conferences between Robert A. Maheu and his associates on the one hand, and the wrongdoing short sellers on the other, all for the purpose of settling the potential liability of said wrongdoers with consent of the U. S. Government and a representation of no criminal prosecution for such illegal sales;

(e) Consented to, facilitated, and supported the declaration of dividends payable by the company to each common shareholder of CMKM Diamonds, Inc.

(f) Consented to, facilitated, and supported the distribution of shares of CIM, a private company owned by Urban Casavant, as a stock dividend, including consent and approval of distribution of said shares to holders of more than 1.4 Trillion shares of CMKM Diamonds, Inc. common stock.
Based on these assertions, CMKM was used by the U.S. government as part of a covert sting operation – unbeknownst to shareholders – to apprehend criminals for their offenses. However, instead of prosecuting most of them, restitution deals were apparently cut:
[Complaint paragraph 34] During the period from March, 2004 through August, 2006, on behalf of CMKM Diamonds, Inc. Robert A. Maheu, with assistance from others, negotiated a settlement with the illegitimate brokers, dealers, market makers, hedge funds, and other persons and entities that had engaged in naked short selling of CMKM Diamonds Inc. stock and cellar boxing the company. In exchange for a U. S. Government promise of no prosecution for such sales, the wrongdoers each promised to pay negotiated amounts to a frozen trust for disbursal at a later time.

[Complaint paragraph 35] Plaintiffs herein are informed and believe, and based thereon allege, that other moneys have been collected for the benefit of the shareholders of CMKM Diamonds, Inc. from the Depository Trust & Clearing Corporation, from the United States Government, and from the sale of additional assets including consent to enter into joint venture agreements with other companies holding mineral claims in Saskatchewan, Canada. Plaintiffs herein are further informed and believe, and based thereon allege, that said moneys, collected for the benefit of shareholders have also been placed in a trust or are otherwise now held in trust by the Depository Trust & Clearing Corporation and the United States Treasury.
Therefore, the crux of this complaint – and the massive fraud allegedly committed by the SEC (and Department of Justice) – is as follows:
[Complaint paragraph 36] Plaintiffs herein are informed and believe, and based thereon allege, that at all times mentioned, the Securities and Exchange Commission reserved unto itself the sole and absolute discretion to determine when moneys collected pursuant to the scheme set forth above would and could be released for distribution.

[Complaint paragraph 37] Demand for release of said moneys has been repeatedly presented to the Securities and Exchange Commission without result. Agents and employees of the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Department of Justice have represented repeatedly that the release of moneys for distribution was imminent, and/or would occur within several weeks, and/or would occur within less than a month. Each of said representations have been made knowing them to be false, and at the specific direction of the named Defendants. These actions of withholding distribution of said moneys, without compensation and without due process of law, amount to a taking of the property of the individual Plaintiffs and of all similarly situated.
During the timeframe referenced above, CMKM was registered as a publicly traded diamond and gold mining company. By 2005, concrete evidence detailing fraud within the company emerged; in addition, it became publicly apparent that CMKM also sold, at the very least, hundreds of billions of unregistered shares – a practice often referred to as naked short selling – to third parties. Eventually, the SEC moved to delist CMKM stock, whose value never exceeded one penny per share, in accordance with Section 12(j) of the Securities and Exchange Act of 1934. After several administrative proceedings, CMKM stock was ultimately deregistered in October 2005.
In September 2006, Floyd Norris, chief financial correspondent of The New York Times and The International Herald Tribune, caught wind of the CMKM scandals, and began to report on some elements of the criminal fraud that ravaged CMKM’s estimated 40,000 shareholders. Norris has reported on more than one occasion that at least 259 billion shares of unregistered CMKM stock was sold; however, per the SEC’s 2008 action against CMKM, the agency itself acknowledges that as many as 622 billion shares of “purportedly unregistered stock” was sold by the company over a 20 month period.
So, how did Hodges initially determine that at least 2 trillion unregistered shares were sold?
[Complaint paragraph 25] A frequently asked question (FAQ) page was added to the web site [CMKMTaskForce.com] on the evening of November 4, 2005 and in response to a question about the degree of naked shorting of CMKM stock, the Task Force [consisting of Robert A. Maheu, Donald J. Stoecklein and Bill Frizzell] indicated that “Credible information indicates the number of naked short shares is potentially as high as 2 Trillion shares.”
‘QUITE A CASE’
Several weeks ago, I spoke with Al Hodges, a practicing attorney with four decades of experience, to find out more about this extraordinary case, and moreover, to determine exactly how he calculated his clients’ potential damages to be nearly $4 trillion – a figure many observers have openly scoffed at.
Almost immediately, I could not help but ask why the mainstream media has not fairly reported on this case; frankly, given the scope of accusations, one would assume that, at the very least, Floyd Norris and The New York Times would have some interest in thoroughly examining the merits of this action; instead, Norris has essentially brushed off Hodges' allegations as being baseless.
It’s not that Hodges and his associates haven’t tried to attract the media’s interest; in fact, on this side of the Atlantic, all the major dailies, including The Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and The Washington Post have all been informed of the suit. Their respective editorial staffs - with the exception of Floyd Norris - have utterly decided to ignore it.
In the United Kingdom, efforts have also been made to attract mainstream media interest. Veteran financial intelligence Editor and Publisher Christopher Story FRSA – an investigative specialist that focuses on covert government operations and scandals – has personally reached out to The Daily Telegraph’s International Business Editor Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, with whom he is acquainted, to notify him about Hodges’ case. To date, Pritchard has failed to respond to Mr. Story, who has authored a number of articles (1) – and other published commentary – in The Daily Telegraph over the course of his near 50-year-career.
Hodges noted that Story, publisher of International Currency Review, and several other serials, is “subscribed to by every intelligence operation in the world.”
If intelligence agencies are reading about CMKM, then why isn’t the mainstream press covering this case? Hodges prudently observed that “they’re not going to touch it.”
MAINSTREAM MEDIA WON’T COVER ISSUES TIED TO COVERT OPERATIONS? (EVIDENTLY NOT)
“They [the government] used the shareholders without their consent to perform this ‘sting operation’ for National Security interests, and it wouldn’t have worked the way it worked if they had disclosed it,” he continued.
“On the other hand, it isn’t right to bury a company and put them out of business for the purpose of trapping people who are using the company to cheat the government, to line their own pockets, and to fund their operations against the United States.”
As noted above in complaint paragraph 34, and per Hodges, a deal was eventually reached with the aforementioned criminals; they paid the government restitution for documented illegal actions, and in turn, were offered immunity from prosecution.
“Rob Maheu had all these people in a big room in Las Vegas, and made [an] offer to them,” he said.
“Every person, organization and representative in that room stepped up, and either transferred money while they were there, or agreed to transfer money upon some further schedule” to avoid indictment.
Hodges also said, “I have a witness who was there, who saw it, and part of the 2.25 trillion phantom shares is documented by that person’s observations of how many shares were represented in that room.”
HOW MUCH MONEY DID THE FEDS REALLY COLLECT FOR RESTITUTION?
“People are going to laugh and titter about the amount of money that is being claimed, but understand the context of the lawsuit,” he said, before concluding, “we are not asking the government to pay us $3.87 trillion, what we’re asking is for them to release the funds that have been collected for us.” Thus, the implication is that this sum also incorporates substantial punitive damages.
In the end, Hodges believes the U.S. government is going to settle the case before it actually moves to trial. On this possibility, he said, “I think its in the process of happening as we speak.”
Based on these explanations – and the recent scandals and assertions that have surfaced about the SEC – I believe the mainstream media is doing the public a great disservice by not properly examining Hodges’ CMKM case.
The same conclusion must also be drawn about Christopher Story’s reports on the criminality that is undermining international efforts to refund the U.S. dollar, which is dangerously close to losing its status as the world’s global reserve currency...but that’s touching on a whole other can of worms…or is it?
(1) In Paul Johnson’s article “Unions, Pensions, and Financial Responsibility: The British Experience” published in the Journal of Labor Research, Volume 2, Issue 2 (1981) pp. 292, 294, 295, 296, he highlights Christopher Story’s authoritative research, as published in The Daily Telegraph on 30 April, 31 August and 1 September 1976, as well as on 4 September 1978.

Voting is now open for the Revere Award for Economics

Voting is now open for the Revere Award for Economics


The Revere Award for Economics is named in honour of the American revolutionary hero Paul Revere, who road through the night to warn of the approaching British army. In this its inagural year, it will be awarded to the 3 economists who first and most clearly saw the Gobal Financial Collapse coming and whose work is most likely to prevent another GFC in the future.

96 people were nominated for the prize. Through consultation with contributors to the Real-World Economics Review Blog, the following shortlist of twelve economists has been selected for the ballot: Dean Baker , Wynne Godley , Michael Hudson, Steve Keen, Paul Krugman, Jakob Brøchner Madsen, Ann Pettifor, Kurt Richebächer , Nouriel Roubini, Robert Shiller, George Soros and Joseph Stiglitz .

To help inform your choices, two integrated timelines, “Foresight and Fait Accompli ” have been compiled, one of the 12 candidates’ anticipations and warnings of the GFC and the other of the GFC’s actual emergence. You are urged to look here at the timelines before voting. http://rwer.wordpress.com/foresight-and-fait-accompli-two-timelines-for-the-global-financial-collapse/

Voting is quick and easy. You can vote from the timelines page or from the home page of the RWER Blog http://rwer.wordpress.com/

The ballot is near the top of these pages. Click on your three choices and then the big yellow “vote” button at the bottom.

Short bios of the twelve shortlisted economists, the selection criteria used for the shortlist and background about the prize can be read here .

Procedures

As with the Dynamite Prize, which attracted over 7,500 mostly economist voters, the ballot will be conducted by PollDaddy. Its system uses cookies to prevent repeat voting. A voting box showing the short-listed candidates and a link to their dossiers will remain till voting closes near the top of the right-hand column on the home page of the Real-World Economics Review Blog . Voting is open to all interested parties. Each voter can vote for up to three of the listed candidates. The ballots are secret. Voting will remain open for several weeks. No results will be announced before closing the poll.

It's Ponzimonium in the Gold Market

It's Ponzimonium in the Gold Market

Nathan Lewis

Nathan Lewis

Posted: March 31, 2010

We've had a string of amazing revelations recently regarding the world's precious metals market. This is important stuff for anyone (like me) who holds gold as a means to avoid currency turmoil and counterparty risk.

(My earlier post on shenanigans at the Comex gold market.)

This news has been actively suppressed in the mainstream media.

The Commodity Futures Trading Commission, a U.S. government regulatory agency, held hearings in Washington D.C. in late March regarding position limits in the futures market.

People involved in the markets have known/suspected for years that they have been manipulated by certain large entities, notably JP Morgan and Goldman Sachs.

Analysts like silver maven, Ted Butler, hedge fund giant, Eric Sprott, and the Gold Anti-Trust Action Committee (GATA) have been collecting evidence of this manipulation for years.

These hearings were supposed to be a non-event. However, despite the media lock-down, the word is getting out.

The CFTC, like the SEC, is a conflicted agency. Some people, notably Chairman Gary Gensler and Commissioner Bart Chilton, seem to want to clean up the sleaze, fraud and corruption.

The CFTC even invited GATA's Bill Murphy and Adrian Douglas to make statements. Would you be surprised to learn that the cameras had a "technical malfunction" during Bill Murphy's statement, which magically righted itself immediately after he finished?

After the hearing, according to Douglas, Murphy was contacted by several major media outlets for more interviews. Within 24 hours, all the interviews were canceled. All of them.

You can follow the links above to see the research that Butler, Sprott and GATA have done over the years. That was only one part of the emerging story.

The second part is the appearance of London metals trader and now whistleblower Andrew Maguire, who understands JP Morgan's manipulation scheme inside and out.

Maguire understands the process so well that he was able to describe it to the CFTC's Bart Chilton on the phone in real time. As in: "in a few minutes, they are going to do this, and then they will do that."

Listen to an extended interview with Maguire and GATA's Adrian Douglas on King World News here.

Maguire has taken some personal risks to tell all this in public. In fact, almost immediately after his initial statements, he was run over by a car while walking down the street. The driver sped away, nearly running over some other pedestrians in his haste to escape. Fortunately, Maguire survived the hit-and-run "accident" with minor injuries. What a coincidence.

The third item was during the question-and-answer session at the CFTC hearings. GATA's Adrian Douglas.

For many years, people assumed that the London Bullion Market Association (LBMA), the world's largest gold market, was a simple bullion market. Cash for gold. However, just in the past few months, more people are realizing that there is actually very little gold within the LBMA system.

Even long-time gold specialists like Maguire have been amazed to learn that there is no gold corresponding to the vast "gold deposits" at the major LBMA banks.

During the CFTC hearings, Jeffrey Christian of CPM Group apparently informed us that the LBMA banks actually have about a hundred times more gold deposits than actual gold bullion.

(GATA on CFTC hearing revelations, including video clips.
ZeroHedge on the LBMA "paper gold ponzi")

This means that there are thousands of clients -- Asian and Middle Eastern governments and sovereign wealth funds among them -- who think they own hundreds of billions and perhaps trillions of dollars of gold bullion, and are being charged storage fees on that fantasy bullion, but they really own unsecured gold loans to the banks at a negative interest rate.

There is nothing new about this. Morgan Stanley paid several million dollars in 2007 to settle claims that it had charged 22,000 clients for storage fees on silver bullion that didn't exist.

Imagine now that you are one of these people who think they own billions of dollars of gold in an LBMA bank depository. Now you find out that this gold doesn't really exist.

You would ask for delivery of your gold immediately. It would be a "run on the bank."

What about things like ETFs linked to gold? Most of them also claim, as assets, these "deposits" at the LBMA banks.

The entire gold market is complete "ponzimonium," a word popularized by the CFTC's Bart Chilton.

This does not even take into account the tungsten gold bar counterfeit issue, which has emerged over the past year or so.

Imagine that you are an LBMA gold bank -- like JP Morgan, Goldman Sachs or HSBC. Your clients start asking for their gold, which you have been telling them is safely stored in your super-safe depository, but the gold doesn't actually exist. It's not so easy to buy it either, because none of the other LBMA members actually have any gold. Can you see the incentive to deliver a phony tungsten counterfeit instead? You might even ask your buddies in the U.S. government whether there is any gold left in Fort Knox that they could use -- this being an issue of National Security and all.

Four 400 oz. LBMA standard bars were discovered to be tungsten counterfeits in Hong Kong. This set off a wave of investigations, turning up more such phony bars worldwide.

These were very high quality counterfeits. According to some investigators, it appears that the original source and creator of these counterfeits was the U.S. government itself. Some people put the possible number of counterfeit bars out there in the hundreds of thousands!

Let's say you are an Asian or Middle Eastern sovereign wealth fund taking delivery on a few billion dollars' worth of gold bullion. You find out that you were given a bunch of phony tungsten by an LBMA bank, whose original source was the U.S. government itself.

Heck, I'd be pissed. I might even want to do something about it.

(Saturday Night Live approximates the Chinese reaction to U.S. government scams and lies.)

There is an easy way to sidestep all the scams, frauds, and phony nonsense. Take delivery on your bullion, whether a 1 oz. Kruggerand or a truckload of 400 oz. institutional bars. Put it in an independent, insured depository that is not affiliated with any bank. Assay all the holdings for tungsten counterfeits. Then audit it periodically, for exact serial numbers and specified weights.

When will the music stop on this merry-go-round of lies and corruption? Who knows. But you can take your seat now, while they are still easy to come by. I suspect those who do not act in advance will eventually find that they are victims of the Ponzimonium.

What if you don't have any gold, and have no interest in owning any? This could affect you too.

Ultimately, a lot of these "gold suppression" schemes amount to dollar-support schemes. Many of the same games were played in the late 1960s, the days of the London Gold Pool.

The London Gold Pool was an agreement among world central banks to stabilize the gold market at $35/oz. This was really an attempt to stabilize the dollar, which tended to decline in value due to the Keynesian "easy money" policies popular in those days (and today as well).

These Keynesian "easy money" policies have consequences. You can't "easy money" your way to prosperity. Prosperity is built on "hard money" -- money that is unchanging in value.

The London Gold Pool eventually blew up, of course, and the dollar fell to about 1/24th of its original value, hitting $850/oz. in 1980. This dollar decline produced a horrible decade of inflation, during the 1970s. We spent most of the 1980s and 1990s just recovering from that disaster.

Click below for a graph of U.S. Treasury interest rates from 1955 to 2005

View image

Thus, when the "New London Gold Pool" blows up, we might find that the dollar decline that has been going on since 2001 could accelerate dramatically.

You would be surprised how little most big hedge funds know about gold. But they do know the scent of blood in the water. And they learn quick.

[Case_ID: 0258406 / 8725277] Audit The ECB

Da: Europe Direct
A:
m. saba
Oggetto:
Data: 01/04/10 14:44


EN-258406-03

Dear Mr. Saba,

We acknowledge receipt of your message. In response to your enquiry, concerning the responsibilities of the European Central Bank (ECB), we would like to inform you that the European Court of Auditors investigates the paperwork of any person or organisation handling European Union (EU) income or expenditure. It frequently carries out on-the-spot checks. Its findings are written up in reports which bring any problems to the attention of the Commission and EU member state governments. To do its job effectively, the Court of Auditors must remain completely independent of the other institutions but at the same time stay in constant touch with them. You will find a short description of the Court of Auditors at the following address:
You will find a Report on the audit of the operational efficiency of the management of the European Central Bank for the 2007 financial year together with the replies of the European Central Bank on the website of the Court of Auditors at the following address:
The EU is taking unprecedented measures to restore stability to financial markets and to get credit flowing again. These must be matched by robust reform to prevent a repeat of the crisis and to rebuild trust in the banking industry. Financial products, activities and participants must be effectively regulated and supervised. Ethical behaviour should be promoted and unethical behaviour sanctioned. To achieve a lasting recovery, Europe must have a reliable financial market that fulfills its core function -- providing mortgages, pensions and loans. We invite you to consult the website “Driving the European Recovery” at the following address:
As a service of the European Commission providing citizens and businesses with general factual information on the European Union (EU) and its policies, EUROPE DIRECT is not entitled to comment on your remarks on monetary sovereignty. However, please note that the competent service of the European Commission in financial and monetary issues is the Directorate-General (DG) for Economic and Financial Affairs. You can contact the Economic and Financial Affairs DG using the web submit-form at the following address:
We hope this information will be of use to you.
With kind regards,
EUROPE DIRECT Contact Centre
www.europa.eu - your shortcut to the EU!

IL PLUB SI RIUNISCE IN CENTRO ITALIA SABATO 29–5


Domenico Bruni
Domenico BruniApril 1, 2010 at 2:41am
Subject: IL PLUB SI RIUNISCE IN CENTRO ITALIA SABATO 29 – 5 - 2010
IL PLUB SI RIUNISCE IN CENTRO ITALIA SABATO 29 – 5 - 2010

Luogo:AREZZO,vicino uscita Autostrada, 1 km dalla Stazione FFSS. .Naturalmente stiamo lavorando per organizzare...graditi collaborazione e suggerimenti di TUTTI. Man mano daremo tutte le info....ho voluto solo anticipare la decisione,data e luogo.

Questo l’albergo

http://www.facebook.com/l/7643b;www.etruscohotel.it/fotogallery.php

Iniziamo a diffondere ,partecipare,e pubblicare questa info.

Questa la nota da condividere
http://www.facebook.com/notes/domenico-bruni/il-plub-si-riunisce-in-centro-italia-sabato-29-5-2010/385384653163

Un caro saluto a tutti

Domenico BRUNI
COORDINATORE PLUB
PARTITO LOTTA USURA BANCARIA


**** ETRUSCO AREZZO HOTEL

The Government Is Now in the Banking Business

Ellen Brown

Ellen Brown

Posted: March 31, 2010 02:26 PM

Student Loans: The Government Is Now Officially in the Banking Business


"We say in our platform that we believe that the right to coin money and issue money is a function of government... Those who are opposed to this proposition tell us that the issue of paper money is a function of the bank and that the government ought to go out of the banking business. I stand with Jefferson... and tell them, as he did, that the issue of money is a function of the government and that the banks should go out of the governing business." -- William Jennings Bryan, Democratic Convention, 1896

William Jennings Bryan would have been pleased. The government is now officially in the banking business. On March 30, 2010, President Obama signed the reconciliation "fix" to the health care reform bill passed by Congress last week. Slipped into it was student loan legislation the President calls "one of the most significant investments in higher education since the G.I. Bill." Under the Student Aid and Fiscal Responsibility Act (SAFRA), the federal government will lend directly to students, ending billions of dollars in wasteful subsidies to firms providing student loans. The bill will save an estimated $68 billion over 11 years.

Money for the program will come from the U.S. Treasury, which will lend it to the Education Department at 2.8% interest. The money will then be lent to students at 6.8% interest. Eliminating the middlemen will allow the Education Department to keep its 4% spread as profit, money that will be used to help impoverished students. If the Education Department were to set up its own bank, on the model of the Green Bank being proposed in the Energy Bill, it could generate even more money for higher education.

A Failed Experiment in Corporate Socialism


The student loan bill may look like a sudden, radical plunge into nationalization, but the government was actually funding over 80 percent of student loans already. Complete government takeover of the program was just the logical and predictable end of a failed 45-year experiment in government subsidies for private banking, involving unnecessary giveaways to Sallie Mae (SLM Corp., the nation's largest student loan provider), Citibank, and other commercial banks exposed in blatantly exploiting the system.

Under the Federal Family Education Loan Program (FFELP), the U.S. government has been providing subsidies to private companies making student loans ever since 1965. Every independent agency that has calculated the cost of the FFELP, from the Congressional Budget Office to Clinton's Office of Management and Budget to George W. Bush's Office of Management and Budget, has found that direct lending could save the government billions of dollars annually. But the mills of Congress grind slowly, and it has taken until now for this reform to work its way through the system.

In the sixties, when competing with the Soviets was considered a matter of national survival, providing the opportunity for higher education was accepted as a necessary public good. But unlike Russia and many other countries, the U.S. was not prepared to provide that education for free. Loans to students were necessary, but students were notoriously bad credit risks. They were too young to have reliable credit histories, and they did not own houses that could be posted as collateral. They had nothing but a very uncertain hope of future gainful employment, and banks were not willing to take them on as credit risks without government guarantees.

The result was the FFELP, which privatized the banks' profits while socializing losses by imposing them on the taxpayers. The loans continued to be "originated" by the banks, which meant the banks advanced credit created as accounting entries on their books, the way all banks do. Contrary to popular belief, banks do not lend their own money or their depositors' money. Commercial bank loans are new money, created in the act of lending it. The alleged justification for allowing banks to charge interest although they are not really lending their own money is that the interest is compensation for taking risk. The banks have to balance their books, and if the loans don't get paid back, the asset side of their balance sheets can shrink, exposing them to bankruptcy. When the risk is underwritten by the taxpayers, however, allowing the banks to keep the interest is simply a giveaway to the banks, an unwarranted form of welfare to a privileged financier class at the expense of struggling students.

Worse, underwriting these private middlemen with government guarantees has allowed them to game the system. Under the FFELP, banks actually profit more when students default than when they pay back their loans. Delinquent loans are turned over to a guaranty agency in charge of keeping students in repayment. Pre-default, guaranty agencies earn just 1 percent of the loan's outstanding balance. But if the loan defaults and the agency rehabilitates it, the guarantor earns as much as 38.5% of the loan's balance. Collection efforts are also much more profitable than efforts to avert default, giving guaranty agencies a major incentive to encourage delinquencies. In 2008, 60.5% of federal payments to FFELP came from
defaults. An Education Department report issued last year found that only 4.8% of students who borrowed directly from the government had defaulted on their loans in 2007, compared to 7.2 percent for FFELP; and the gap widened when longer periods were taken into account.

In 1993, students and schools were given the option of choosing between FFELP and the Direct Loan program, which allowed the government to offer better terms to students. The Direct Loan program was the clear winner, growing from just 7% of overall loan volume in 1994-1995 to over 80% today.

The demise of the FFELP was hastened in early 2007, when New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo began exposing the corrupt relations between firms lending to students and the colleges they attended. Lenders that had been buying off college loan officials were forced to refund millions of dollars to borrowers.

Congress responded by cutting the private lenders' subsidies. But after the 2008 economic crash, the lenders claimed they could no longer afford to lend to low-income (high-risk) borrowers without these subsidies. Congress therefore acquiesced with a May 2008 law requiring the federal government to give banks two-thirds of the funds lent to students. The bill also required the Education and Treasury Departments to buy loans from lenders made between May 2008 and July 2009 for the full value of the loans plus interest. To comply with this bill, the Department of Education projects that it will eventually have to buy $112 billion in FFELP loans.

Despite all this government help, lenders have continued to turn their backs on riskier borrowers, driving students to the government's direct lending program. With the banks enjoying heavy subsidies while failing in their mission, Obama campaigned in 2008 on a promise of eliminating the middleman lenders; and with the new SAFRA, he appears to have fulfilled that goal.

And thus ends a 45-year experiment in subsidized student lending. In the laboratory of the market, direct lending from the government has proven to be a superior alternative for both taxpayers and borrowers.

The U.S. is not the only country exploring government-sponsored student loan programs. New Zealand now offers 0% interest loans to New Zealand students, with repayment to be made from their income after they graduate. And for the past twenty years, the Australian government has successfully funded students by giving out what are in effect interest-free loans. They are "contingent loans," which are repaid if and when the borrower's income reaches a certain level.

Where Will the Money Come From?
The Green Bank Model

Eliminating the middlemen can reduce the costs of federal lending, but there is still the problem of finding the money for the loans. Won't funding the entire federal student loan business take a serious bite out of the federal budget?

The answer is no - not if the program is set up properly. In fact, it could be a significant source of income for the government.

The SAFRA doesn't mention setting up a government-owned bank, but the Energy Bill that is now pending before the Senate does. Funding for the energy program is to be through a Green Bank, which can multiply its funds by leveraging its capital base into loans, as all banks are permitted to do. According to an article in American Progress:

Funding for the Green Bank should be on the order of an initial $10 billion, with additional capital provided of up to $50 billion over five years. This capital could be leveraged at a conservative 10-to-1 ratio to provide loans, guarantees, and credit enhancement to support up to $500 billion in private-sector investment in clean-energy and energy-efficiency projects.

Banks can create all the credit they can find creditworthy borrowers for, limited only by the capital requirement. But when the loan money leaves the bank as cash or checks, banking rules require the bank's reserves to be replenished either with deposits coming in or with interbank loans. The proposed Green Bank, however, is apparently not going to be a deposit-taking institution. Presumably, then, it will be relying on interbank loans to provide the reserves to clear its checks.

The federal funds rate - the rate at which banks borrow from each other - has been maintained by the Federal Reserve at between zero and .25% ever since December 2008, when the credit crisis threatened to collapse the economy. A Green Bank qualified to borrow in the interbank market could acquire funds at that very low rate as well, and so could a Student Bank. The spread could give the Education Department more than 6.5% gross profit annually on student loans.

The Treasury, by contrast, paid an average interest rate for marketable securities in February 2010 of 2.55%, which explains the 2.8% interest at which the Education Department must now borrow from the Treasury. The interbank rate is obviously a better deal, but it could go up. The cheapest and most reliable alternative would be for the Treasury itself to become the "lender of last resort," as William Jennings Bryan urged in 1896.

The Treasury Department and the Education Department are arms of the same federal government. If the government were to set up a government-owned bank that simply lent "national credit" directly, without borrowing the money first, it could afford to lend to students at much lower rates than 6.8%. In fact, it could afford free higher education for all. Such a program could actually pay for itself, as was demonstrated by the G.I. Bill, considered one of the government's most successful programs. Under the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944, the government sent seven million Americans to school for free after World War II. A 1988 Congressional committee found that for every dollar invested in the program, $6.90 came back to the U.S. economy. Better-educated young people got better-paying jobs, resulting in substantially higher tax revenues year after year for the next forty-plus years.

Taking Back the Credit Power

Winston Churchill once wryly remarked, "America will always do the right thing, but only after exhausting all other options." More than a century has passed since William Jennings Bryan insisted that issuing and lending the credit of the nation should be the business of the government rather than of private bankers, but it has taken that long to exhaust all the other options. With student loans, at least, government officials have finally come around to agreeing that underwriting private lenders with public funds doesn't work.

We are increasingly seeing that underwriting banks considered "too big to fail" doesn't work either. Banks are borrowing at near-zero interest rates and speculating with the money, knowing they can't lose because the government will pick up the losses on any bad bets. This is called "moral hazard," and it is destroying the economy.

Issuing the national credit directly, through a federally-owned central bank, may be the only real solution to this dilemma. Today the government borrows the national currency from the privately-owned Federal Reserve, which issues Federal Reserve Notes and lends them to the government and to other banks. These notes, however, are backed by nothing but "the full faith and credit of the United States." Lending the credit of the United States should be the business of the United States, as William Jennings Bryan maintained. The dollar is credit (or debt), just as a bond is. Both a dollar bond and a dollar bill represent a claim on a dollar's worth of goods and services. As Thomas Edison said in the 1920s:

If the Nation can issue a dollar bond it can issue a dollar bill. The element that makes the bond good makes the bill good also. The difference between the bond and the bill is that the bond lets the money broker collect twice the amount of the bond and an additional 20%. Whereas the currency, the honest sort provided by the Constitution pays nobody but those who contribute in some useful way. It is absurd to say our Country can issue bonds and cannot issue currency. Both are promises to pay, but one fattens the usurer and the other helps the People.
Student Loans: The Government Is Now Officially in the Banking Business
"We say in our platform that we believe that the right to coin money and issue money is a function of government... Those who are opposed to this proposition tell us that the issue of paper money is a function of the bank and that the government ought to go out of the banking business. I stand with Jefferson... and tell them, as he did, that the issue of money is a function of the government and that the banks should go out of the governing business." -- William Jennings Bryan, Democratic Convention, 1896


William Jennings Bryan would have been pleased. The government is now officially in the banking business. On March 30, 2010, President Obama signed the reconciliation "fix" to the health care reform bill passed by Congress last week. Slipped into it was student loan legislation the President calls "one of the most significant investments in higher education since the G.I. Bill." Under the Student Aid and Fiscal Responsibility Act (SAFRA), the federal government will lend directly to students, ending billions of dollars in wasteful subsidies to firms providing student loans. The bill will save an estimated $68 billion over 11 years.

Money for the program will come from the U.S. Treasury, which will lend it to the Education Department at 2.8% interest. The money will then be lent to students at 6.8% interest. Eliminating the middlemen will allow the Education Department to keep its 4% spread as profit, money that will be used to help impoverished students. If the Education Department were to set up its own bank, on the model of the Green Bank being proposed in the Energy Bill, it could generate even more money for higher education.

A Failed Experiment in Corporate Socialism


The student loan bill may look like a sudden, radical plunge into nationalization, but the government was actually funding over 80 percent of student loans already. Complete government takeover of the program was just the logical and predictable end of a failed 45-year experiment in government subsidies for private banking, involving unnecessary giveaways to Sallie Mae (SLM Corp., the nation's largest student loan provider), Citibank, and other commercial banks exposed in blatantly exploiting the system.

Under the Federal Family Education Loan Program (FFELP), the U.S. government has been providing subsidies to private companies making student loans ever since 1965. Every independent agency that has calculated the cost of the FFELP, from the Congressional Budget Office to Clinton's Office of Management and Budget to George W. Bush's Office of Management and Budget, has found that direct lending could save the government billions of dollars annually. But the mills of Congress grind slowly, and it has taken until now for this reform to work its way through the system.

In the sixties, when competing with the Soviets was considered a matter of national survival, providing the opportunity for higher education was accepted as a necessary public good. But unlike Russia and many other countries, the U.S. was not prepared to provide that education for free. Loans to students were necessary, but students were notoriously bad credit risks. They were too young to have reliable credit histories, and they did not own houses that could be posted as collateral. They had nothing but a very uncertain hope of future gainful employment, and banks were not willing to take them on as credit risks without government guarantees.

The result was the FFELP, which privatized the banks' profits while socializing losses by imposing them on the taxpayers. The loans continued to be "originated" by the banks, which meant the banks advanced credit created as accounting entries on their books, the way all banks do. Contrary to popular belief, banks do not lend their own money or their depositors' money. Commercial bank loans are new money, created in the act of lending it. The alleged justification for allowing banks to charge interest although they are not really lending their own money is that the interest is compensation for taking risk. The banks have to balance their books, and if the loans don't get paid back, the asset side of their balance sheets can shrink, exposing them to bankruptcy. When the risk is underwritten by the taxpayers, however, allowing the banks to keep the interest is simply a giveaway to the banks, an unwarranted form of welfare to a privileged financier class at the expense of struggling students.

Worse, underwriting these private middlemen with government guarantees has allowed them to game the system. Under the FFELP, banks actually profit more when students default than when they pay back their loans. Delinquent loans are turned over to a guaranty agency in charge of keeping students in repayment. Pre-default, guaranty agencies earn just 1 percent of the loan's outstanding balance. But if the loan defaults and the agency rehabilitates it, the guarantor earns as much as 38.5% of the loan's balance. Collection efforts are also much more profitable than efforts to avert default, giving guaranty agencies a major incentive to encourage delinquencies. In 2008, 60.5% of federal payments to FFELP came from defaults. An Education Department report issued last year found that only 4.8% of students who borrowed directly from the government had defaulted on their loans in 2007, compared to 7.2 percent for FFELP; and the gap widened when longer periods were taken into account.

In 1993, students and schools were given the option of choosing between FFELP and the Direct Loan program, which allowed the government to offer better terms to students. The Direct Loan program was the clear winner, growing from just 7% of overall loan volume in 1994-1995 to over 80% today.

The demise of the FFELP was hastened in early 2007, when New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo began exposing the corrupt relations between firms lending to students and the colleges they attended. Lenders that had been buying off college loan officials were forced to refund millions of dollars to borrowers.

Congress responded by cutting the private lenders' subsidies. But after the 2008 economic crash, the lenders claimed they could no longer afford to lend to low-income (high-risk) borrowers without these subsidies. Congress therefore acquiesced with a May 2008 law requiring the federal government to give banks two-thirds of the funds lent to students. The bill also required the Education and Treasury Departments to buy loans from lenders made between May 2008 and July 2009 for the full value of the loans plus interest. To comply with this bill, the Department of Education projects that it will eventually have to buy $112 billion in FFELP loans.

Despite all this government help, lenders have continued to turn their backs on riskier borrowers, driving students to the government's direct lending program. With the banks enjoying heavy subsidies while failing in their mission, Obama campaigned in 2008 on a promise of eliminating the middleman lenders; and with the new SAFRA, he appears to have fulfilled that goal.

And thus ends a 45-year experiment in subsidized student lending. In the laboratory of the market, direct lending from the government has proven to be a superior alternative for both taxpayers and borrowers.

The U.S. is not the only country exploring government-sponsored student loan programs. New Zealand now offers 0% interest loans to New Zealand students, with repayment to be made from their income after they graduate. And for the past twenty years, the Australian government has successfully funded students by giving out what are in effect interest-free loans. They are "contingent loans," which are repaid if and when the borrower's income reaches a certain level.

Where Will the Money Come From?
The Green Bank Model

Eliminating the middlemen can reduce the costs of federal lending, but there is still the problem of finding the money for the loans. Won't funding the entire federal student loan business take a serious bite out of the federal budget?

The answer is no - not if the program is set up properly. In fact, it could be a significant source of income for the government.

The SAFRA doesn't mention setting up a government-owned bank, but the Energy Bill that is now pending before the Senate does. Funding for the energy program is to be through a Green Bank, which can multiply its funds by leveraging its capital base into loans, as all banks are permitted to do. According to an article in American Progress:

Funding for the Green Bank should be on the order of an initial $10 billion, with additional capital provided of up to $50 billion over five years. This capital could be leveraged at a conservative 10-to-1 ratio to provide loans, guarantees, and credit enhancement to support up to $500 billion in private-sector investment in clean-energy and energy-efficiency projects.

Banks can create all the credit they can find creditworthy borrowers for, limited only by the capital requirement. But when the loan money leaves the bank as cash or checks, banking rules require the bank's reserves to be replenished either with deposits coming in or with interbank loans. The proposed Green Bank, however, is apparently not going to be a deposit-taking institution. Presumably, then, it will be relying on interbank loans to provide the reserves to clear its checks.

The federal funds rate - the rate at which banks borrow from each other - has been maintained by the Federal Reserve at between zero and .25% ever since December 2008, when the credit crisis threatened to collapse the economy. A Green Bank qualified to borrow in the interbank market could acquire funds at that very low rate as well, and so could a Student Bank. The spread could give the Education Department more than 6.5% gross profit annually on student loans.

The Treasury, by contrast, paid an average interest rate for marketable securities in February 2010 of 2.55%, which explains the 2.8% interest at which the Education Department must now borrow from the Treasury. The interbank rate is obviously a better deal, but it could go up. The cheapest and most reliable alternative would be for the Treasury itself to become the "lender of last resort," as William Jennings Bryan urged in 1896.

The Treasury Department and the Education Department are arms of the same federal government. If the government were to set up a government-owned bank that simply lent "national credit" directly, without borrowing the money first, it could afford to lend to students at much lower rates than 6.8%. In fact, it could afford free higher education for all. Such a program could actually pay for itself, as was demonstrated by the G.I. Bill, considered one of the government's most successful programs. Under the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944, the government sent seven million Americans to school for free after World War II. A 1988 Congressional committee found that for every dollar invested in the program, $6.90 came back to the U.S. economy. Better-educated young people got better-paying jobs, resulting in substantially higher tax revenues year after year for the next forty-plus years.

Taking Back the Credit Power

Winston Churchill once wryly remarked, "America will always do the right thing, but only after exhausting all other options." More than a century has passed since William Jennings Bryan insisted that issuing and lending the credit of the nation should be the business of the government rather than of private bankers, but it has taken that long to exhaust all the other options. With student loans, at least, government officials have finally come around to agreeing that underwriting private lenders with public funds doesn't work.

We are increasingly seeing that underwriting banks considered "too big to fail" doesn't work either. Banks are borrowing at near-zero interest rates and speculating with the money, knowing they can't lose because the government will pick up the losses on any bad bets. This is called "moral hazard," and it is destroying the economy.

Issuing the national credit directly, through a federally-owned central bank, may be the only real solution to this dilemma. Today the government borrows the national currency from the privately-owned Federal Reserve, which issues Federal Reserve Notes and lends them to the government and to other banks. These notes, however, are backed by nothing but "the full faith and credit of the United States." Lending the credit of the United States should be the business of the United States, as William Jennings Bryan maintained. The dollar is credit (or debt), just as a bond is. Both a dollar bond and a dollar bill represent a claim on a dollar's worth of goods and services. As Thomas Edison said in the 1920s: If the Nation can issue a dollar bond it can issue a dollar bill. The element that makes the bond good makes the bill good also. The difference between the bond and the bill is that the bond lets the money broker collect twice the amount of the bond and an additional 20%. Whereas the currency, the honest sort provided by the Constitution pays nobody but those who contribute in some useful way. It is absurd to say our Country can issue bonds and cannot issue currency. Both are promises to pay, but one fattens the usurer and the other helps the People.

Follow Ellen Brown on Twitter: www.twitter.com/ellenhbrown

mercoledì 31 marzo 2010

The World Bank and IMF, brought to you by the Bretton Woods Project

The World Bank and IMF, brought to you by the Bretton Woods Project:

IMF holds back cash to Pakistan
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/LC30Df02.html
Asia Times, 30 March 2010

New Zealand rejects IMF calls for deeper budget spending cuts
http://www.businessweek.com/news/2010-03-29/new-zealand-rejects-imf-calls-for-deeper-budget-spending-cuts.html
Business Week, 29 March 2010

IMF member countries reject green fund plan
http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSN2414340820100325
Reuters, 25 March 2010

'Cheap tricks used to get Eskom loan'
http://www.timeslive.co.za/local/article372716.ece
Time Live, 25 March 2010

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