sabato 25 agosto 2018

Deep State with Dark money rules the world

Nomi Prins: The Fed Will Not Give Up "Dark Money"

Authored by Nomi Prins via The Daily Reckoning,
https://www.zerohedge.com/news/2018-08-24/nomi-prins-fed-will-not-give-dark-money

When it comes to second quarter U.S. economic growth figures, interpretation is everything.

On one hand, the projection of 4.1% second quarter growth is a sign of a surging economy set to grow for years to come.
But on the other hand, it is seen as temporary sugar rush created by tax cuts and debt. It’s unsustainable in the light of higher tariffs, an escalating trade war that could impact large portions of the economy, and rising federal deficits that put America even deeper in debt.
Another data point to determine which of these two camps is most accurate for predicting the future of the U.S. economy is job’s figures. July’s jobs report came in with fewer than expected jobs, a gain of 157,000 jobs vs. a forecast of 190,000.
While that miss in itself may not mean much, since the overall jobless rate dropped to 3.9%, the fact that wages are growing slowly remains a concern.
Also concerning is the record amount of household debt. Consumers are using it to spend and that is partially responsible for that 4.1% GDP growth, as I noted on Fox Business recently. But it’s not sustainable.
Add it all up and there’s considerable reason to believe that the 4.1% growth rate is only temporary.
It will not represent the full GDP growth figure over all of 2018, nor will it be the growth figure in 2019 or 2020. Even the Fed admits growth will slacken over the next couple of years.
I don’t often agree with the Fed. But on this point, I agree with the Fed’s forecast for slower growth to come. That outlook presents options for the Fed to create more credit, or what I call dark money to support the markets, to confront inevitable periods of volatility ahead.
Dark money is the #1 secret life force of today’s rigged financial markets. It drives whole markets up and down. It’s the reason for today’s financial bubbles.
On Wall Street, knowledge of and access to dark money means trillions of dollars per year flowing in and around global stock, bond and derivatives markets.
I learned this firsthand from my career on Wall Street. My first full year working on Wall Street was in 1987.
I wasn’t talking about “dark money” or central bank collusion back then. I was just starting out.
Eventually, I would uncover how the dark money system works… how it has corrupted our financial system… and encouraged greed to the point of crisis like in 2008.
When I moved abroad to create and run the analytics department at Bear Stearns London as senior managing director, I got my first look at how dark money flows and its effects cross borders.
The “dark money” comes from central banks. In essence, central banks “print” money or electronically fabricate money by buying bonds or stocks. They use other tools like adjusting interest rate policy and currency agreements with other central banks to pump liquidity into the financial system.
That dark money goes to the biggest private banks and financial institutions first. From there, it spreads out in seemingly infinite directions affecting different financial assets in different ways.
Yet these dark money flows stretch around the world according to a pattern of power, influence and, of course, wealth for select groups. To be a part of the dark money elite means to have control over many. How elite is a matter of degree.
These is not built upon conspiracy theories. To the contrary, alliances make perfect sense and operate publicly. Even better, their exclusive dealings and the consequences that follow are foreseeable — but only if you understand how the system works and follow the dark money flows.
It’s easy to see how this dark money affects the stock market at a high level, because we can monitor its constant movement.
Here’s the smoking gun:

The black line shows you how much “dark money” the Federal Reserve has printed since 2008.
The gray line shows you the S&P 500.
They move together — more dark money drives the market higher. Much higher.
There are dark money charts from around the world, just like the one I showed you for the Federal Reserve and U.S. stock market.
Look at this “dark money” chart from Japan, for example:

The blue line shows the dark money created by their central bank, The Bank of Japan. The red line shows Japan’s major stock index, the Nikkei 225, going up as well. The dark money drove the market much higher over the past eight years.
Or, look at this “dark money” chart from the U.K.:

Again, the blue line shows the “dark money” created since 2009 by the U.K.’s central bank, The Bank of England. The black line shows how the FTSE 100, their stock index, has followed higher in lock-step.
To invest profitably in financial markets, you need to understand the hidden power relationships that drive financial and political events. Ideologies and personal associations among elites are oblivious to political party lines and international boundaries. So is dark money.
Needless to say, that’s not free market economics.
Where do things stand today?
The Fed has been raising interest rates since December 2015. And as of last October, it’s been reducing its balance sheet, although not as much as they’d have you believe (more on that in a moment).
But if markets plummet, the Fed will probably stop tightening or even return to quantitative easing.
This week, elite central bankers are having their annual confab at luxurious Jackson Hole, Wyoming.
The Federal Reserve chair invites elite central bankers to wine, dine and fish. In between the schmoozing, they will talk monetary policy.
This year, new chair Jerome Powell will be the master of ceremonies. He will be addressing the elite group on “monetary policy in a changing economy” this Friday.
The speech title alone casts a broad net. He will certainly discuss the tools available to the Fed when the next downturn occurs.
Given that rates are still pretty low, despite 175 basis points of tightening since December 2015, there’s not a ton of room to lower them should a recession or crisis happen. The Fed still does not have enough “dry powder” to fight a recession.
One of the items on the agenda at Jackson Hole will also examine the appropriate size of central bank balance sheets, and what they should be used for.
Even though the Fed has touted its march to quantitative tightening this year, in reality its balance sheet is barely $200 billion lower than its peak of $4.5 trillion. That’s basically a drop in the bucket, not much more than a rounding error.
Expect major central banks to end the year, on average, with asset books in total size right where they started.
While there will be some minor rate hikes here and there by the Fed, and mild tweaking of massive asset books, the overall story will remain the same.
It is worth noting that this Jackson Hole gathering might be more urgent than usual because of the situation in Turkey. You should pay considerable attention to what language they use when discussing contagion amongst emerging markets.
The bottom line is, the likely result of this rendezvous will be a bias toward the status quo of dark money.
Dark money rules the world, and it could keep the bull market running longer than most people expect, even though the eventual turnaround could be ugly.

giovedì 23 agosto 2018

The “accounting view” of money: money as equity (World Bank)

The “accounting view” of money: money as equity (Part I)
http://blogs.worldbank.org/allaboutfinance/node/916
The “accounting view” of money: money as equity (Part II)
http://blogs.worldbank.org/allaboutfinance/node/917
The “accounting view” of money: money as equity (Part III)
http://blogs.worldbank.org/allaboutfinance/node/918

FT Series The Big Flaw: Auditing in Crisis

The Big Flaw: Auditing in Crisis

Here:  https://www.ft.com/content/bdaf51da-9ae6-11e8-ab77-f854c65a4465

U.S. Government Opposes “Absolute” Immunity for World Bank Group

U.S. Government Opposes “Absolute” Immunity for World Bank Group

Home > Press Releases > U.S. Government Opposes “Absolute” Immunity for World Bank Group
By | August 1, 2018 

For Immediate Release

U.S. Government Opposes “Absolute” Immunity for World Bank Group in Brief to SCOTUS

Washington, D.C., August 1, 2018 – Late yesterday, the U.S. Government urged the U.S. Supreme Court to reverse a lower court decision holding that the international organizations like the World Bank Group are entitled to “absolute immunity” from lawsuits in U.S. Courts – an immunity far greater than any other person or entity receives under U.S. law. Instead, the Government’s brief argues, as it has previously, that such organizations should only be entitled to the same “restrictive” immunity that foreign governments have, and like foreign governments, should be subject to suit for injuries arising out of their commercial activities.
The brief supports the Plaintiffs in Jam v. International Finance Corporation (IFC), who with EarthRights International (ERI) filed suit against the IFC, the World Bank’s private lending arm, for its role in funding a destructive power plant project in Gujarat, India that has devastated their community and the local environment. The IFC has not denied that the harms have occurred, instead, it has simply argued that it is immune and cannot be held liable, no matter how illegal its conduct, and no matter how much harm it causes. The Plaintiffs filed a petition for certiorari and earlier this year the Supreme Court agreed to hear the case, marking the first time it will consider international organization immunity. The Court is expected to hear oral arguments later this year.
The question before the Supreme Court is how to interpret the relevant statute – the International Organizations Immunities Act (IOIA) – which says international organizations have “the same immunity” from suit “as enjoyed by foreign governments.” The Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit ruled last year based on its prior precedent that this should be interpreted to mean the IFC had “absolute” immunity – even though that is far greater than the restrictive immunity that foreign governments enjoy today. One of the judges wrote separately, however, to strongly criticize those cases as wrongly decided.
“We are pleased the Government has weighed in against absolute immunity,” said Rick Herz of EarthRights International, one of the attorneys who represent the Plaintiffs in the case. “We are optimistic the Court will use this opportunity to clarify that the law must be read to mean what it says: international organizations are entitled only to the same immunity as foreign governments.”
The Plaintiffs, filed their opening brief last week explaining why the D.C. Circuit’s holding is wrong and the IFC is not immune from suits for commercial activity. The US Government’s brief filed this week adds substantial weight to that argument, emphasizing the clear congressional intent to subject international organizations like the IFC to the same immunity rules as foreign governments, and the consistent position of the executive branch, which has for decades recognized only restrictive immunity for international organizations.
A number of other amicus curiae (“friend of the court”) briefs were also filed this week, including briefs by a bipartisan group of a Members of Congress, International Law Scholars, and environmental, human rights, and development-focused advocacy organizations that have experience working with the IFC, all arguing that the D.C. Circuit’s absolute immunity holding is wrong and should be reversed. The congressional brief explains “[t]here is no reason that international organizations should be immune to suit in cases where the states that created them are not,” as that would permit states “to evade legal accountability merely by acting through international organizations.”
The brief from advocacy organizations refutes the IFC’s suggestion that restrictive immunity would “open the floodgates,” and argues that allowing suit in cases like this one, where even the IFC’s own ombudsman has condemned the IFC’s conduct, would increase the accountability of these institutions and help restore the IFC’s credibility as a poverty-fighting institution, which has already been damaged by the public perception that it “consider[s] itself to be above the law.”
In addition to EarthRights International, the Plaintiffs are also represented before the Supreme Court by the Stanford Law School Supreme Court Clinic and O’Melveny and Meyers.
Background
From the start, the IFC recognised that the Tata Mundra plant was a high-risk project that could have “significant” and “irreversible” adverse impacts on local communities and their environment. Despite knowing the risks, the IFC provided a critical $450 million loan, enabling the project’s construction and giving the IFC immense influence over project design and operation. Yet the IFC failed to take reasonable steps to prevent harm to the communities and to ensure that the project abided by the environmental and social conditions necessary for IFC involvement.
Construction of the plant destroyed vital sources of water used for drinking and irrigation. Coal ash contaminates crops and fish laid out to dry and has led to an increase in respiratory problems. The thermal pollution from the plant has also destroyed the local marine environment and the fish populations that fishermen like Mr Jam rely on to support their families. Although a 2015 law required all plants to install cooling towers by the end of 2017, which would minimize thermal pollution, the Tata plant has failed to do so.
The IFC’s own compliance mechanism, the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman (CAO), issued a scathing report in 2013 confirming that the IFC had failed to ensure the Tata Mundra project complied with the environmental and social conditions of the IFC’s loan. Rather than take remedial action, the IFC responded to the CAO by rejecting most of its findings and ignoring others. In a follow-up report in early 2017, the CAO observed that the IFC remained out of compliance and had failed to take any meaningful steps to remedy the situation.
The harms suffered by the plaintiffs are all the more regrettable because the project made no economic sense from the beginning. In fact, Tata Power, which owns the plant, has begun trying to unload a majority of its shares in the project for Rupees 1 because of the losses it has suffered and will continue to suffer.
For more information:
https://earthrights.org/tata-mundra-coal-power-plant/
http://www.cenfa.org/projects-in-focus/tata-mundra-ultra-mega-project/
Contact:
  1. Dr Bharat Patel (Mundra, Gujarat)
    General Secretary, Machimar Adhikar Sangharsh Sangathan
    + 91 94264 69803
    bharatp1977@gmail.com
  2. Valentina Stackl (USA)
    Communications Manager, EarthRights International
    +1 (202) 466 5188 x100
    valentina@earthrights.org

lunedì 13 agosto 2018

When will the bankers who’ve rigged our economy be held to account?

When will the bankers who’ve rigged our economy be held to account?

Regulators are incapable of protecting the public from economic crime, writes accounting expert Prem Sikka.
Why is the UK so timid in tackling malpractices in the finance industry? After all, the industry has been a serial offender for almost fifty years. But other states are less lax.
This week, a court in Vietnam convicted 46 former bankers and businessmen of corruption and “deliberate violation of state regulations on economic management, causing serious consequences” to the public. 43 bankers received prison sentences ranging from two years of probation to 10 years in prison. The ring leaders got 10 and twenty years in prison.
In the last few years, the Icelandic regulators secured 96 years in prison for 36 bankers, for malpractices and abuses which crashed the industry and the economy.
Four bank executives have been jailed by Ireland for frauds exposed by the 2007-08 crash. According to data compiled by Channel 4, following the 2007-08 banking crash, US secured 324 convictions, and 222 of these were sentenced to prison.
Some countries have sought to cleanse the system by giving people an opportunity to speak up. The Australian government appointed a Royal Commission in December 2017 to take evidence about bribery, corruption, mis-selling, interest rate rigging, money laundering and other predatory practices in the finance industry. It has been holding public meetings since March 2018 – and corporate elites aren’t happy about that.
Despite the persistence of predatory practices, the UK has a not appointed a Royal Commission into malpractices engineered by the finance industry. There have been a number of parliamentary inquiries, but they do not give ordinary people a chance to express their anguish and put the innocent victims’ case to the public. There is no opportunity for people to directly highlight failures of the regulatory culture which is often too sympathetic to the industry, especially as regulators come from the same industry.
Prosecutions for malpractices can help to restore public confidence and tell the industry to mend its ways, but that remedy is in short supply in the UK. After the 2007-08 banking crash, some fines have been levied on banks. And on 20 June 2018, the Chancellor informed parliament that “in total, there have been five convictions and eight acquittals” for their role in the crash, though a number of cases and appeals are still pending.
On paper, there are laws to assist regulators. For example, fraud is a criminal offence under the Fraud Act 2006 and subject to a maximum prison sentence of ten years.
Under the Act, fraud can be committed by making false representations, by failing to disclose information, and by abuse of position. This provides plenty of scope for the police, the Serious Fraud Office (SFO), the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) and others for dealing with interest and foreign exchange rate rigging, mis-selling financial products and deliberately putting individuals and businesses into bankruptcy.
Just look at the buck-passing in relation to banking misdemeanours. The Tomlinson Report published in 2013, the 2016 report into RBS’ treatment of small business customers in its Global Restructuring Group (GRG) and the 2013 Project Lord Turnbull Report on frauds at HBOS provide evidence of systemic abuses. Thousands of innocent individuals and small businesses were deliberately placed into bankruptcy to boost bank profits and performance related pay. Some of the offending practices go back a decade or more. But there is wall of silence.
When asked to act, the Chancellor told parliament that: “This is a matter for the operationally independent Financial Conduct Authority (FCA). The FCA continues to conduct an ongoing investigation into Royal Bank of Scotland’s Global Restructuring Group, focusing on whether there is any basis for enforcement action”. He refused to say when HM Treasury became aware of the Turnbull Report on alleged frauds at HBOS and repeated the mantra that it is a matter for the FCA.
A few days later, the FCA told a parliamentary committee that its powers to discipline anyone for misconduct do not apply in the case of RBS’ global restructuring group. Its chief executive said: “I appreciate that many GRG customers will be frustrated by this decision, but we have explored all the options available to us before arriving at this conclusion”.
This sits uneasily with the scope of the Fraud Act 2006 and the FCA’s own actions. For example, the FCA barred a former director at Blackrock Asset Management from performing any function in relation to any regulated activities because “he deliberately and knowingly failed to purchase a valid ticket to cover his entire journey whilst travelling on the Southeastern train service”.  Yet the same regulator claims to be powerless in dealing with giant banks.
The inescapable conclusion is that the UK laws, regulators and government are incapable of protecting people from economic crime. Such failures will neither restore public confidence nor deter finance industry operatives from engaging in dubious practices. It is time to redesign the UK’s regulatory architecture.
Prem Sikka is Professor of Accounting at University of Sheffield and Emeritus Professor of Accounting at University of Essex. He tweets here.

lunedì 6 agosto 2018

Call on Supreme Court to Reverse Decision Protecting IFC’s Absolute Immunity

Yanis Varoufakis: Is Capitalism Devouring Democracy?

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