mercoledì 21 febbraio 2018

Still On The "Accounting View" Of Money:What Is Commercial Bank Money?

Still On The "Accounting View" Of Money: What Is Commercial Bank Money?

 
After long being a tenet of Post-Keynesian theories, even mainstream economics has recently recognized that...
...commercial banks are not simple financial intermediaries of already existing money, but do create their own money trough lending (McLeay et al., 2014) - and more generally any time they issue liabilities in the form of sight deposits.
 
We discussed this issue recently in our contribution to the "Accounting View" of money (Bossone and Costa 2018). Here, we purport to further elaborate on the implications of the new approach with specific reference to commercial bank money.
 
By Biagio Bossone & Massimo Costa

Bank deposits and central bank reserves 

If banks create money, they do not need to raise deposits in order to lend or sell deposits (Werner, 2014). Still, they must avail themselves of the cash and reserves necessary to guarantee cash withdrawals from their clients and to settle obligations to other banks emanating from client instructions to mobilize deposits (i.e., payments and transfers).

In this regard, it should be noted that relevant payment orders are only those between clients of different banks, since settlement of payments between clients of the same bank ("on us" payments) do not require use of reserves and takes place simply by the debiting and crediting of the accounts held on the books of the same bank.

For cash withdrawals and payments to other banks' clients, every bank must determine the optimal amount of, respectively, cash and reserves needed to cover deposits. More specifically, the availability of cash and reserves to support cash withdrawals and payment settlement consists of:
i. Cash reserves and reserves deposited with the central bank;
ii. Reserves from settlement of incoming payments from other banks;
iii. Borrowings from the interbank market;
iv. Borrowings from the central bank;
v. Immediate liquidation of unencumbered assets in the balance sheet, and
vi. New deposits of cash from old and new clients.

Debt or what?

Commercial bank money constitutes a debt liability for deposit issuing banks, since these are under obligations to convert deposits into cash on demand from their clients and to settle payments in central bank reserves at the time required by payment system settlement rules.

However, in a fractional reserve regime banks hold only a fraction of reserves against their total deposit liabilities (even independently of regulatory reserve requirements). Also, the amounts of reserves they actually use for settling interbank obligations are only a fraction of the total transactions settled. This is true not just for netting settlement systems but for gross settlement systems as well, since every unit of reserves is used to settle multiple units of transactions.
The more limited the use of cash in the economy, and the larger the economies of scale in the use of reserves allowed by payment system rules and by clients' non-simultaneous and deferred mobilization of deposits, the lower is the volume of reserves that banks need to back the issuance of new deposits. In particular, payment system rules affect the use of reserves via two channels: the settlement modality (i.e., netting or gross settlement) and the technology adopted. Modern technologies, such as hybrid systems, (re-)introduce elements of netting into gross settlement processes and increase the velocity of circulation of reserves, thereby allowing banks to economize on their use for any given volume and value of payments settled.

In the hypothetical, extreme case of a fully consolidated banking system in a cashless economy where all agents' accounts were held with only one bank, all payments and transfers would be "on us" for the bank. This implies that the bank would need no reserves for settling transactions and would be under no debt obligation towards its clients. In such circumstances, the bank might in principle create all the money that the economy could absorb without holding reserves, and its money would (de facto, if not de jure) become legal money for all purposes, having the same power as legal money to settle all debts.

What is then bank money?

In real-world economies, however, there are multiple banks whose payment activities necessarily generate interbank settlement obligations. Yet, the fractional reserve regime and the economies of scale allowed by the payment system and depositors' behavior reduce the reserves needed by the banks to back their debts: with growing scale economies, banks can create more debt (by lending or selling deposits ) with decreasing reserve margins needed to cover their debt liabilities. From the hypothetical case above, and from this discussion, follows that, all else equal, a more consolidated banking system can afford a lower coverage for its debt (and at lower cost) vis-à-vis a less concentrated system.

More generally, it follows that, in normal circumstances - that is, absent adverse economic or market contingencies that would induce depositors to convert deposits into cash - the liabilities represented by each deposit constitute only partly debt liabilities of the issuing bank, which as such require reserve coverage. The remaining part of the liabilities is a source of income for the issuing bank - an income that derives from the bank's power to create money by issuing deposits, which is therefore a form of seigniorage. Note that, in accounting terms, to the extent that this income is undistributed it is equivalent to equity.

It should be noticed that this double (accounting) nature of money is stochastic in as much as, at the point of issuance, every deposit unit can be both debt (if, with a certain probability there will be a request for cash conversion or use in interbank settlement) and equity (with complementary probability). Faced with such stochastic double nature, a commercial bank finds it convenient (for profit purposes) to provision the deposit unit issued with an amount of reserves that equals only the expected value of the associated debt event, rather than the full value of the deposit unit issued.

"Stochastic" refers to the fact that - ex ante - the bank creating a deposit unit expects (probabilistically) that only a share of that unit will translate into debt, whilst the remaining share (still probabilistically) will not be subject to requests for conversion or settlement, and will therefore represent equity proper for the bank. The share of debt and equity (which obviously are each complementary to 1) are stochastic variables that are influenced by behavioral and institutional factors as well as by contingent events. For example, in crisis times the share of debt tends to increase, and it tends to be lower when there is strong trust in the banking system. Policy and structural factors that strengthen such trust, such as the elasticity with which the central bank provides liquidity to the system when needed or institutional arrangements that support confidence in bank money (e.g., deposit insurance), increase the share of deposits having nature of equity.
This argument is eminently evident when applied to the whole banking system, but it does hold identically for each individual bank - albeit to a different extent depending on the size of each bank for a given settlement system and cash usage. From the discussion so far follows that, all else being equal, the stochastic share of debt deposits for a small bank are greater than for a larger bank. Vice versa, the larger is the bank, the greater is the share of equity contained in its deposit liabilities.

Accounting principles

The stochastic double nature of bank money is consistent with the principles of general accounting as defined in the Conceptual Framework of Financial Reporting that sets out the concepts underpinning the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS). According to the Framework,
"A liability is recognised in the balance sheet when it is probable that an outflow of resources embodying economic benefits will result from the settlement of a present obligation and the amount at which the settlement will take place can be measured reliably".

Therefore, when an outflow of economic benefits is "not probable", there is no debt obligation and sight deposits become a hybrid instrument - partly debt and partly revenue, which, once accumulated, becomes equity, as discussed above.
Now, since there is no accounting standard that governs hybrid instruments explicitly, IAS 32 applies (in force of IAS 8) and provides that in the context of a hybrid liability instrument the debt component must be separated from the equity one. From such separation derives that once the debt component is identified, the residual component is equity. In the case of deposits, the nature of undistributed income of the share of deposits that (probably) will not translate into debt represents retained earnings (or equity).

The application of IAS 32 is a textbook case. It implies that the balance sheet of the issuing bank should report amongst debts only the share of deposits that gives origin to a "probable" outflow of economic benefits, while the residual share should be reported in the income statement as (seigniorage) revenue. Moreover, since the share of profits attributable to this revenue is undistributed, it would add to the bank's equity in the statement of assets and liabilities.
To further support the validity of the approach here proposed, consider IAS 37 (governing risk provisioning, charges and contingent liabilities). This standard considers as debt all commitments that fall under the Framework's definition of "liability", that is, those that generate outflows of economic benefits with a probability greater than 0.5. Below such threshold, the liability is a contingent liability and must only be reported in the Notes to the financial statements.
The implication is inescapable: the existence of legal claims is not per se sufficient for a liability to be considered as debt; the essential requisite is the probable outflows of economic benefits. In the case of bank money, the share of deposits that are not debt must be regarded as revenue, and since such revenue from money issuance (seigniorage) is not reported in the income statement, it constitutes retained earnings (or capital).

Conclusion

The double nature of commercial bank money draws its origin from the power de facto conferred by the state on the banks to create a form of money of their own, which only partly can be considered as debt. An important implication, which has been largely ignored so far, is that a relevant share of deposits that banks report in the balance sheet as "debt towards clients" generate revenues that are very much similar to the seigniorage rent extracted by the state through the issuance of legal money (coins, banknotes and central bank reserves). As shown elsewhere, such type of seigniorage introduces in the economy a structural element of net detraction of real resources, with deflationary effects on profits and / or wages, potential distributional consequences, and frictions between capital and labor, which should all be studied carefully.

Riferimenti Bibliografici
Bossone, B. (2017), Commercial bank seigniorage: A Primer, mimeo (available from the author on request).
Graziani, A. (2003), The Monetary Theory of Production, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge UK.
McLeay, M., Radia, A. and Thomas, R. (2014b), "Money Creation in the Modern Economy", Bank of England Quarterly Bulletin, 54(1), 14-27.
Moore, B. (1979), The Endogenous Money Stock, Journal of Post Keynesian Economics, 2(1), 49-70.
Moore, B. (1983), Unpacking the Post Keynesian Black Box: Bank Lending and the Money Supply, Journal of Post Keynesian Economics, 5(4), 537-556.
Werner, R. A. (2014), How do banks create money, and why can other firms not do the same? An explanation for the coexistence of lending and deposit-taking, International Review of Financial Analysis, 36, 71-77.


[1] See, for instance, Moore (1978, 1983) and the literature on monetary circuit theory. As this is too vast to be cited here and do justice to its many contributors, we refer only to the work by Augusto Graziani (2003), one of the theory’s most authoritative exponents.

[2] The new non-cash deposits from clients can only consist of deposits transferred from other banks, which fall under item ii) above.

[3] This multiple value varies according to payment settlement modalities: it is larger in netting settlement systems and lower in gross settlement systems.

[4] As regards the use of cash, in cases where the monetary authority declares deposit inconvertibility and prohibits deposit transfers across borders, bank money effectively replicates central bank money, whereby reserves cannot circulate out of the central bank’s books: any single commercial bank may dispossess itself of it own reserves (if some other banks demand them), but all of them cannot altogether do so since reserves once created remain outstanding until they are paid or sold back to the central bank.

[5] Lending deposits features very close analogies to selling deposits. As banks issue deposits to clients in exchange for money, they become owners of the money received and acquire the rights to use the money as they wish (subject to existing laws and regulations). Even if the banks are constrained in the use of the money – such as, for instance, in the case of regulation prescribing types of assets to be held – they (not the depositors) are the owners of the purchased assets and they (non the depositors) are the owners of the income generated by the purchased assets.

[6] See discussion in Bossone and Costa (2018).

[7] Size here refers specifically to the volume of payment transactions that the bank intermediates relative to the total payment transactions in the system.

[8] See section 4.46 of the Framework.

[9] Specifically, IAS 8 (Sections 10-11) requires that, “In the absence of an IFRS that specifically applies to a transaction, other event or condition, … management shall refer to, and consider the applicability of, the following sources in descending order:
(a) the requirements in IFRSs dealing with similar and related issues; and
(b) the definitions, recognition criteria and measurement concepts for assets, liabilities, income and expenses in the Framework.”

[10] See IAS 32, Sections 28 et.ss. It is noteworthy that, in the case ruled by the quoted standard, the hybrid instrument has the double nature of 'liabilities-capital' and not of 'liabilities-revenue'; however, both capital and retained earnings belong to equity. Briefly, equity can be shared into at least two major components: capital and other ownership's contributions, on the one hand, and retained earnings, on the other. IAS 32 provides regulation for splitting hybrid instruments between a part attributable to liabilities and a part attributable to equity. As said, based on the definitions of the Framework, once the component recognizable as debt liability is identified, the residual component is attributed to equity.

[11] See IAS 37, Section s 12-13, where the fundamental distinction is drawn between the adjective "probable" for the debt liabilities and the adjective "possible" for contingent liabilities to be reported in the Notes to the financial statements.

[12] See Bossone (2017).

Photo Courtesy of Steven Lilley

martedì 20 febbraio 2018

Miscommunicated Monetary Theory

Miscommunicated Monetary Theory

T Sabri Öncü (sabri.oncu@gmail.com) is an economist based in Istanbul, Turkey.
The Modern Monetary Theory is described as an integration of endogenous money, state money, credit money, and functional finance theories. Despite departing from a faithful narration of what actually happens in the real world, the MMT arrives at a new world in which the government can spend as it pleases. Not only this and several other difficult-to-swallow claims, but also academic concepts such as vertical and horizontal components of money supply introduced along the way are what make MMT difficult to communicate to the general public and also difficult to fully appreciate.
Let me start by mentioning that while I am not an adherent of the Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) like James K Galbraith, I am one of those MMT-friendly economists (Abrahamian 2017):
MMT’s adherents like to point out that the federal government never “runs out” of money to fund the military, but routinely invokes budget constraints to justify defunding social programs. Money, in other words, isn’t a scarce commodity like silver or gold. “To people who’ve worked in financial markets, who work at the Fed, this isn’t controversial at all,” says Galbraith, who, while not an adherent, can certainly be described as “MMT-friendly.”
Money Creation Is Very Simple
One of my favourite baseball movies is Bull Durham (1988) which stars Kevin Costner as “Crash” Davis, a veteran catcher. Towards the end of the movie, Crash says:
A good friend of mine used to say, “This is a very simple game. You throw the ball, you catch the ball, you hit the ball. Sometimes you win, sometimes you lose, sometimes it rains.” Think about that for a while.
The same goes for money creation. It is a very simple game. You make the loans or buy the assets, you create the deposits, and you collect the reserves.
Given that baseball was invented in the United States (US), I focus on the money creation process in the US. Just as the ball moves around bet­ween the pitcher, the catcher, the batter and seven others on the field in baseball, money moves around between the Treasury (the pitcher: Department of the Treasury, the US finance ministry), the Fed (the catcher: Federal Reserve System, the US central bank), the banks (the batter) and the rest of the economy (the seven others on the field), including non-bank financial institutions (NBFIs), in money creation.
The money creation processes of many countries are more or less the same these days, provided that they are not Greece, without their own central bank, or Turkey, where US dollars can be used to back domestic money deposits, and the like. One implication of this is that the MMT is not valid everywhere, but it does not claim that it is a universal theory that is valid for every country.
Further, I emphasise that the process I describe is about domestic money creation. In countries with fully open borders to money flows, foreign money can also be created; but I put this aside.

Baseball vs Money Creation
In baseball, while the batter is an offence player from one team, the rest of the players on the field are defence players from another team. And, this is where money creation starts to deviate from baseball. The teams in money creation are not as easily identified as in baseball.
While the Treasury (the pitcher) and the Fed (the catcher) are easily identified to be defence players, and the banks (the batter) to be offence players, the NBFIs and real estate companies are also on the offence, despite the fact that they cannot bat. Whether the rest are on the offence or defence depends on what they are doing.
The collection of the financial (banks and NBFIs are in this sector), insurance (some of the NBFIs are in this sector), and the real estate sectors is known as the FIRE sector. While the FIRE sector is the sector of rentiers extracting rents, the non-FIRE sector is the payer of rents, although there are rent extractors in the non-FIRE sector also. Further, there are many that are in both.
The MMT consolidates the Treasury and the Fed into a single entity and, together with other government branches, calls this entity the government. So, according to the MMT, there are govern­ment and non-government sectors, where the non-government sector includes the foreign sector. I should mention that I fail to see a distinction between the FIRE and non-FIRE sectors—more generally, rent extractors and rent payers—in the MMT, but this could just be my failure.

The second difference between baseball and money creation is that the ball manufactured by some sporting goods company comes to the field from the outside. Because of this, the economists would call this ball exogenous.
In money creation, money is endogenous in economists’ parlance because it is created inside the field as the game progresses. Of course, some money might have been created even before you turned your television on to watch the game.

Mapping Light to Money
The three primary colours of light are green, blue, and red, whereas the three primary types of money are cash (banknotes and coins), reserves (deposits of the banks with the Fed), and deposits with the banks, that is, deposits.
Let me mention that, by law, only banks, the Treasury, foreign central banks, several international organisations, and a number of government-sponsored enterprises can maintain deposit accounts with the Fed. It is clear that deposits of institutions other than banks with the Fed do not belong to any of the above primary money types, so they are also a type of money that I call “other deposits with the Fed.”

The most important part of this money consists of the deposits with the Fed in the Treasury General Account (TGA) through which all official Treasury payments are made. The Treasury has other accounts called the Treasury Tax and Loan (TT&L) accounts with some banks called the TT&L banks, but since the Treasury cannot make payments from these accounts by law, deposits in these accounts must be transferred to the TGA to make payments.
I now perform the mapping by assigning the colour green to cash, blue to reserves and red to deposits. Lastly, I assign black to the other deposits with the Fed. A distinguishing feature of the MMT is that it brings “black money” into the picture while none of the other theories I know of pay that kind of attention to it.

Banks Create the Deposits
Although the MMT is not just about banking, since I focus only on the clearing and settlement aspects of it, let me summarise the extant banking theories for further discussion. Full descriptions of the MMT can be found in the original papers available from the University of Missouri–Kansas City and Levy Econo­mics Institute of Bard College websites, and elsewhere.1
Three of the major banking theories are (Werner 2016):

(i) Intermediation theory: The currently prevailing theory which says that banks collect deposits and then lend these out, just like other non-bank financial intermediaries.

(ii) Fractional reserve theory: The older theory which says that each individual bank is a financial intermediary without the power to create money, but the banking system collectively is able to create money through the process of “money multiplication” where the multiplier is the reciprocal of the required reserve ratio.

[Both of the above theories are exogenous money theories because for them money comes to the economy from the outside, although in the second it gets multiplied. I will describe the required reserve ratio later.]

(iii) Credit creation theory: This is the oldest theory, which prevailed about a century ago and says that each individual bank creates credit and money newly when granting a loan.

Put differently, banks do not collect deposits and lend them out. They provide financing through new money creation. This is the magic of double-entry accounting. The loan is an asset and deposit in the account of the borrower a liability of the bank. And, they balance when you type them in.
Recall that deposits are coloured in red, this is how red money would have been created had lending been the only way to create it. But, banks also create red money when they purchase financial (and even real) assets from a seller in the same way when they make a loan. For example, when a bank buys a Treasury bond in the secondary market from a non-bank seller, it creates red money in the account of the seller. Why I insisted that this should be a non-bank seller will become clear later.

My first amendment to the credit creation theory (CCT) is that banks create new red money when granting a loan to or purchasing an asset from a non-bank counterparty. Indeed, this ability by their charter is what distinguishes the banks from the NBFIs: while the NBFIs are financial intermediaries, the banks are red money creators.

My second amendment to the CCT is based on the idea that it takes two to tango, because a bank cannot create red money unless there is a borrower or a seller of an asset. Banks and their non-bank counterparties create new red money when a non-bank counterparty borrows from or sells an asset to a bank.

It can be observed that red money is endogenous because it is created inside the field during the game, and that red money gets destroyed when a non-bank counterparty pays its debt to or purchases an asset from a bank. The magic of double-entry accounting is at work here, again. You just erase the same amount from both sides of the balance sheet.

Government as Creator
Recall that the MMT consolidates the Treasury and the Fed into a single entity called the government. Although opponents of the MMT disagree with this because since 1935 the Fed is prohibited from purchasing Treasury bonds to monetise Treasury debt—despite exemptions such as financing wars from time to time until 1981—and supposedly acts independently, this is not why I call the MMT a miscommunicated theory.
It is a historical fact that at least from 1836 until the creation of the Fed in 1913, the Treasury and the central bank in the US had been one and the same. My only criticism of the MMT’s consolidation of the Treasury and the Fed into a single entity is the confusion it creates regarding government spending as commonly understood by others. But, this is a minor issue that can be easily fixed.
However, nobody can question that the government creates green money, that is, cash which is not backed by anything nowadays. The Treasury prints banknotes (Federal Reserve Notes) through its Bureau of Engraving and Printing, and mints the coins through its Mint Department for delivery to the Fed, which in turn delivers them to the banks on demand.
Hence, green money is also endogenous.
All the bank account holders who withdrew money from their red money acco­unts through a teller know that what they get is green money. This means bank-created red money is a claim on government-created green money. As I will explain, bank-created red money is a claim also on blue money that the Fed creates through:

(i) loans it makes from its discount window and certain liquidity facilities to the banks and qualified others;

(ii) reverse repurchase agreementtransactions with its counterparties to buy Treasury and other securities it deems fit;

(iii) purchases of Treasury and other securities it deems fit in the secondary market.

The above transactions create new deposits in the accounts of the banks with the Fed. While the second type of tran­sactions are called open market operations, the third type is how the Fed injected money essentially into the FIRE sector of the US economy after the onset of the ongoing global financial crisis.
Reverse repurchase agreements are oppo­sites of repurchase agreements (repos) in the sense that, in the former a security is bought, whereas in the latter it is sold. Evidently, when the Fed sells a security either directly or in a repo, or a bank pays its loan to the Fed, blue money is destroyed. In addition, since the banks pay for the cash they buy from the Fed with reserves, when banks buy green money from the Fed, blue money is destroyed again.

Except the counterparties involved, since this creation/destruction process of blue money is identical to the process through which red money gets created/destro­yed, blue money is also endogenous.

Among the several banking regulators in the US, the Fed determines the amount of reserves the banks must hold as a percentage of the deposits they owe their depositors. It is this percentage which is the required reserve ratio (RRR), and any reserves beyond the required reserves are called excess reserves. Note that the reserve requirement can be met by vault cash, that is, green money, also.
It is evident from the Reserve Maintenance Manual of the Fed that, unlike what is claimed in the fractional reserve theory, banks do not obtain reserves first and then create deposits through a multiplication process. They create deposits first and then collect reserves, as described in the “Reserve Computation and Maintenance Periods” section of the manual (Federal Reserve System 2017). Put differently, there is no money multiplier (reci­procal of the RRR), but there is a money divisor (RRR), although the US banks have been evading the reserve requirements through the so-called “sweep accounts” since the 1980s, if not since the 1970s.

As for why red money is a claim not only on green, but also on blue money, consider the many electronic red money transfers between two banks. At the end of the day, one bank becomes a debtor to the other and this debt is settled in blue money on the books of the Fed. That is, the amount is debited to the account of the debtor bank and credited to the account of the creditor bank at the Fed. Of course, this settlement could have been done in cash also, but that happens very rarely.

‘Black Money’ and the MMT
The CCT, or more precisely, the endogenous money, is one of the building blocks of the MMT. Indeed, as Wray (2012) des­c­ribes, the MMT is an integration of the endogenous money, state money, credit money and functional finance theories.
And, in this integration, black money is the main tool of the MMT.
Recall that the Treasury deposits in the TGA (existed since January 1916) with the Fed are the major part of black money and all official payments of the Treasury must be made through the TGA. Further, recall that the Treasury maintains TT&L accounts (existed since May 1917) with some private banks called the TT&L banks also. These TT&L accounts are the tools of the TT&L Program executed by the Fed and the Treasury, under which tax payments go to these accounts rather than directly to the TGA with the Fed in order to stabilise the reserves with the banking system. For, otherwise, all the tax payments made in red money should be erased from the bank accounts and an equal amount of blue money should be converted to black money, meaning reserves are drained by a huge amount. This is a major red money and blue money supply contraction that would harm not only the monetary policy the Fed is implementing, but also the economy immediately.

Indeed, as stated in a Fed article (Santoro 2012), the TT&L Program “has long been an exemplar of cooperation between the Federal Reserve and the Treasury.” So, despite the confusion it creates regarding government spending that I mentioned earlier, the MMT’s consolidation of the Treasury and the Fed has some merits. But, then, despite departing from the above-mentioned faithful narration of what actually happens in the real world, the MMT arrives at a new world in which the government is the monopoly supplier of its currency (they actually mean cash and reserves), and hence spends simply by crediting it in the accounts of private banks with the Fed (that is, by transforming black money to red money through blue money). This is a highly controversial claim and there are many other controversial claims that can be found in Wray (2012) and elsewhere. Introducing into the fray such difficult- to-communicate concepts as vertical (actually green and blue) and horizontal (actually red) components of money supply does not help either.
Hence, the title of this article.
However, I am of the opinion that if the adherents of the MMT can find better ways to communicate their ideas to the general audience, they have a lot to offer to the world.

Note
1 New Economic Perspectives, http://neweconomicperspectives.org/.
References
Abrahamian, Atossa Araxia (2017): “The Rock-Star Appeal of Modern Monetary Theory,” Nation, 8 May, https://www.thenation.com/article/the-rock-star-appeal-of-modern-monetary-theory/.
Federal Reserve System (2017): Reserve Maintenance Manual, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, November.
Santoro, Paul J (2012): “The Evolution of Treasury Cash Management during the Financial Crisis,” Current Issues in Economics and Finance, Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Vol 18, No 3.
Werner, Richard A (2016): “A Lost Century in Economics: Three Theories of Banking and the Conclusive Evidence,” International Review of Financial Analysis, Vol 46, pp 361–79.
Wray, Randal L (2012): “What Is Modern Money Theory?” MMP Blog #30, 1 January, http://neweconomicperspectives.org/2012/01/mmp-blog-30-what-is-modern-money-theory.html.
Updated On : 9th Feb, 2018

Swiss to vote on the Sovereign Money Initiative on 10th June 2018

Swiss to vote on the Sovereign Money Initiative on 10th June 2018

Berne - The Swiss Federal Council has just announced the date of the referendum on the Sovereign Money Initiative (or "Vollgeld-Initiative" in German) will be 10th June 2018. Swiss voters will be asked who should be allowed to create new Swiss francs: UBS, Credit Suisse and other private commercial banks or the Swiss National Bank which is obliged to act in the interest of Switzerland as a whole.
The announcement from the Swiss Federal Council can be viewed in German or French or Italian here.
The arbitrary way in which commercial banks can create money leads to credit bubbles, an unstable financial system and excessive indebtedness according to well-known scientists and economists. Electronic money brought into existence by commercial banks is displacing cash more and more: currently only 10 per cent of the money in circulation in Switzerland – namely the coins and banknotes – is brought into existence by the Swiss National Bank.

The Sovereign Money Initiative proposes a change to the Swiss constitution to make the banking system function in the way that most people already believe it functions. The Swiss National Bank (SNB) should create not only the Swiss franc coins and bank notes as it does now, but also electronic Swiss francs (i.e. money in bank accounts). Banks should only be allowed to lend money that they have received from savers, investors or the SNB, and they should no longer be allowed to create money for their own use themselves.

The main advantages of the Sovereign Money system are that:
- the money in private accounts is as safe as cash in a vault and it doesn’t disappear if a bank goes bankrupt
- the Swiss National Bank will be in a better position to prevent asset bubbles and financial crises
- the proceeds from money creation will benefit the general public.

The Sovereign Money Initiative has been initiated by the independent association Mon
etäre Modernisierung (MoMo), an NGO with no affiliations to political parties. The people in MoMo have been working, mostly in a voluntary capacity, to transfer the billion-dollar privilege currently enjoyed by the banks to the Swiss National Bank for the benefit of the Swiss people. They are advised by experts with a broad range of expertise on their scientific advisory board.
For more information 
Please do not hesitate to contact:
     Emma Dawnay

     emma.dawnay@vollgeld-initiative.ch
     Tel: +44 7958458386
 
What is sovereign money?
Sovereign money is full-value legal tender which is created and brought into circulation by public institutions, typically a central bank, rather than private banks. Currently coins and banknotes are the only forms of sovereign money available to the public. The money in people‘s bank accounts is neither sovereign money nor legal tender.

What is electronic money?
It‘s the numbers in bank accounts, also known as „book money". Currently the money in people‘s bank accounts is not created by the Swiss National Bank, but by private banks when they make loans. This „virtual" money on our bank accounts isn‘t legal tender, it‘s just a promise made by the banks to pay us cash and settle payments on our behalf, when requested. Legally it belongs to the bank, not to the holder of the bank account.
What is a Swiss people's initiative?
It's Switzerland’s system of direct democracy: if 100,000 people sign an official petition for a change to Switzerland’s written constitution, there has to be a binding national referendum on the proposed change.
General Information
The Background to the National Referendum on Sovereign Money in Switzerland (this 15 page booklet explains Sovereign Money, the Swiss system of direct democracy and gives the proposed changes to the text of the Swiss constitution as well as explanations and technical details)
Yes to the Swiss Sovereign Money Initiative: Campaign Messages

The Swiss Sovereign Money Initiative: Five questions with answers
The Swiss Sovereign Money Initiative: Answers to Criticisms

Scientific Advisory Board

Technical Studies on Sovereign Money
Articles and Interviews
The Cobden Centre in London has interviewed us about the Swiss Sovereign Money Initiative.
Further articles and press cuttings in English can be found on our website
here.

Upcoming conference
The GDI in partnership with CFA Society Switzerland and GIC have organised a
conference on 5th Febuary where world-experts will debate both for and against a Sovereign Money reform.
Our mailing address is:
Vollgeld-Initiative
Postfach 3160
Wettingen 5430
Switzerland

Add us to your address book

giovedì 15 febbraio 2018

Money As Equity: For An "Accounting View" Of Money

Money As Equity: For An "Accounting View" Of Money

Coins circulating as legal tender in national jurisdictions worldwide are treated as debt liabilities of...
the issuing states, and are reported as a component of public debt under their respective national accounting statistics (ESA, 2010). Similarly, banknotes issued by central banks, and by extension central bank reserves (which represent the largest share of money base in every contemporary economy), are considered as liabilities of the issuing central banks and are accounted for as central bank debt to their holders.
 
By Biagio Bossone e Massimo Costa

In fact, even though the law says that money is “debt”, a correct application of the general principles of accounting does raise deep doubts about such a conception of money. Debt typically involves an obligation between lender and borrower as contracting parties. We wonder which obligation may fall upon the state from the rights entertained by the holders of coins, or which obligation may fall upon the central bank from the rights entertained by the holders of banknotes or by the banks holding reserves.
We specifically refer to these three “species” of money because they are all “legal tender”, that is, in force of a legal power, they absolve their issuers of any responsibility to convert them into other forms of value. This is not the case, obviously, for monies that are convertible on demand into commodities or liabilities issued by third parties (e.g., currencies of other countries). On the other hand, conversion of reserves into banknotes does not constitute a central bank’s debt obligation, since it only gives rise to a substitution of one form of liability for another that is issued by the same central bank and is not redeemable in any other form of value produced by third parties.
A similar question can be asked with respect to the money issued by commercial banks in the form of sight deposits, inasmuch as this money plays a similar role to that of legal tender in almost all bank-customer relations (excluding interbank obligations, which require central bank money as settlement asset).[1] We shall return to this type of money later on in the article. Below we focus on legal tender monies issued by the state or the central bank.

Legal tender: if it is not debt, what else is it?
In the old days, local sovereigns guaranteed that the coins they issued contained a specific amount of precious metal (silver or gold).[2] Still in those days, banknotes gave their holders the right to claim for their conversion into silver or gold coins. To be able to match those claims, sovereigns needed to hold adequate volumes of metal reserves. The same kind of obligation committed central banks with respect to their reserve liabilities issued to commercial banks. Therefore, all three species of money gave origin to true debt obligations that were legally binding on their issuers and could be triggered on demand by their holders at any point in time.
But this was the past. Today, convertibility has all but disappeared for each of the three money species under discussion. Coins have lost most of their relevance and have been largely replaced by paper money. Convertibility of banknotes has been suspended long ago, and the abandonment of the gold-exchange standard, about half a century ago, marked the definitive demise of “debt” banknotes even at the international level. Finally, the reserve deposits held by commercial banks and national treasuries at central banks are today delinked from any conversion obligation into commodities or third-party liabilities (except where the central bank adheres to fixed exchange rate arrangements, the economy is dollarized, or the country is under a currency board regime).
Therefore, although for legacy reasons, or simply due to conventional choice, money is still allocated as debt in public finance statistics and central bank financial statements, it is not debt in the sense of carrying obligations that imply creditor rights.[3] Rather, it represents equity for the issuer and, as such, it implies ownership rights.

The “Accounting View” of money
Issuing legal tender involves a sui generis transaction whereby the money is sold in exchange for other assets.[4] The proceeds from this sale represent a form of income, specifically a ‘revenue income’.[5] Issuing legal tender thus generates revenue income to the issuer. Under current accounting practices, this income is (incorrectly) unreported in the income statement of the central bank, and is instead (incorrectly) set aside under the central bank’s ‘liabilities’.
When money is issued by a public entity, the associated revenue income accrues to the entity’s owners: the citizens. When, on the other hand, money is issued by a privately owned central bank, the revenue income accrues to the central bank’s private owners. If it is not distributed to the owners, the revenue income goes into retained earnings and becomes equity.
The assimilation of money to equity requires going beyond the conventional distinction between equity and liabilities, as is typically applied to investigate the nature of financial instruments.[6] A correct application of the principles of general accounting recognizes that money accepted as legal tender is not a financial instrument as defined by the international accounting standards, and therefore cannot be debt. IAS 32 defines a ‘financial instrument’ as “a contract that gives rise to a financial asset of one entity and a financial liability or equity instrument of another entity”, and defines an ‘equity instrument’ as “any contract that evidences a residual interest in the assets of an entity after deducting all of its liabilities” (par. 11). Under these definitions, legal tender money is not a financial instrument, and it is neither ‘credit’ for its holder nor ‘debt’ for its issuer. Instead, it is net wealth for the holder and net worth (equity) for the issuer.
Money accounted for as equity of the issuing entity implies ownership rights. These rights must not be understood as giving money holders possession over the entity issuing the money (as shares giving investors ownership of a company or residual claims on the company’s net assets). Rather, they are the same as those acquired by consumers purchasing goods by firms, since selling a commodity that grants specific utility to consumers is not conceptually dissimilar from selling an instrument that grants its acquirers a general type of utility – that of settling financial obligations.[7]
Thus, the ownership rights attached to money as equity consist of claims on shares of national wealth that money holders may exercise at any time. Those who receive money acquire additional and definitive purchasing power on national wealth. Those issuing money get in exchange a form of gross revenue that is equal to its nominal value. The revenue income calculated as the difference between the gross revenue from money issuance and the cost of producing money is a rent universally known as ‘seigniorage’. This special form of rent can be appropriated exclusively by those who hold the power to issue money, or are granted such power.

To summarize, our proposed ‘Accounting View’ of money holds that:
· Money circulating in the economy as legal tender is not a financial instrument - it is neither credit for the holders nor debt of the issuer
· This money is sold or lent in exchange for other assets and generates revenue incomes to the issuer, and should so be reported in the issuer’s balance sheet
· These revenue incomes constitute a special form of rents, called seigniorage, which is are appropriated by the money issuer
· The accumulation (and non distribution) of revenue incomes thus generated constitute the equity of the issuer, and should be recorded as such in the issuer’s balance sheet
· This equity grants the holders of money ownership rights in the form of purchasing power over shares of the national wealth.
Implications

Two main implications follow.
First, rents from seigniorage are systematically concealed, and seigniorage revenue is not allocated to the income statement (where it naturally belongs) and is instead recorded on the liabilities side of the balance sheet, thus originating outright false accounting. Furthermore, primary seigniorage should be distinguished from “secondary” seigniorage, which derives from the interest income received on the money that is issued and lent out. The state does not receive any secondary seigniorage from coins (they are not lent), while central banks receive seigniorage from both banknote and reserve issuances but account only for the former and not for the latter.
Second, the same process that has led coins and then paper money and eventually central bank reserves to become legal tender partly extends as well to commercial bank money (i.e., sight deposits), which all of us use daily for transactions. In this case, although such money bears for the issuing banks the obligation to convert it into cash (on demand by depositors) or central bank reserves (for interbank settlements), its assimilation to legal tender grows to the extent that modern payment systems reduce the use of cash and economize on the use of central bank reserves.[8]
An important (and still unrecognized) consequence of this assimilation is that banks’ deposit liabilities, recorded as banks’ ‘debts’ toward customers, generate revenues for the issuing banks – much as banknotes and reserves do for the central banks issuing them.[9] Therefore, with reduction of cash usage and growing scale economies in the use of central bank reserves, increasing rents are appropriated by the (largely privately owned) commercial banking sectors of our economies.

Conclusion
The foregoing discussion offers a broad outline of a new approach that we refer to as the “Accounting View” of legal tender money. The proposed new approach calls for understanding money by correctly applying to it the principles of general accounting. We think it will be important to further deepen the study of the implications of the new approach.
From a very preliminary analysis, a most important one is the current under-appreciation of the seigniorage extracted by money issuers. It will be necessary to identify and to estimate such seigniorage, the share of seigniorage that is returned to its legitimate “owners” (i.e., the citizens), and its effects on economic activity, as well as on the economy’s incentives structure and the distribution of national wealth across the society.
With specific reference to public finances, we hope the new approach will eventually lead to “cleaning up” fiscal budgets and the balance sheet of central banks from the false accounting practices that derive from considering legal tender as “debt”. Finally, if money is accounted for as debt, instead of being considered as equity of the issuing entities and wealth for the society using it, it inevitably introduces a deflationary bias in the economy.

References

Bossone, B. (2000), What Makes Banks Special? A Study of Banking, Finance, and Economic Development, Policy Research Working Paper No. 2408, World Bank, Washington, DC.

Bossone, B. (2001), Circuit theory of banking and finance, Journal of Banking and Finance, Vol. 25, Issue 5, vol. 25, Issue
5, 857-890.

Bossone, B. (2017), Commercial Bank Seigniorage: A Primer, The World Bank, forthcoming (available in manuscript from the author on request).

Costa, M. (2009), Sulla natura contabile delle “passività monetarie” nei bilanci bancari, Quaderni Monografici Rirea, n. 85.

CPSS (2003), The Use of Central Bank Money in Payment Systems, Committee on Payment and Settlement Systems, Bank for International Settlements.

Davidson, P. (1972), Money and the Real World, The Economic Journal, Vol. 82, No. 325 (Mar.), 101-115.

ESA (2010), European System of Accounts, Eurostat, European Commission.
Maheswari, S. N. (2013), Principles of Financial Accounting, Vikas Publishing House.

McLeay, M., Radia, A., and R. Thomas (2014), Money Creation in the Modern Economy, Bank of England Quarterly Bulletin, 54(1), 14-27.

PWC (2017), Distinguishing liabilities from equity, Price Waterhouse Cooper. [10]

PAAinE (2008), Distinguishing between Liabilities and Equity, Pro-Active Accounting in Europe, Discussion Paper.

Schmidt, M. (2013), Equity and Liabilities – A Discussion of IAS 32 and a Critique of the Classification, Accounting in Europe, 10 (2), 201-222.

[1] In fact, commercial bank money may serve as settlement instrument (and hence, de facto, as legal tender) for all interbank transactions taking place across accounts held on the books of the same bank (“on us” payments). Moreover, many payment systems adopt commercial bank liabilities as settlement assets (CPSS, 2003).
[2] See Costa (2009) for an analysis of the money liabilities in commercial bank balance sheets.
[3] ESA (cit.) establishes that "coins are issued by central governments in the euro area, although, by convention, they are treated as liabilities of the national central banks which as a counterpart hold a notional claim on general government” (emphasis added). The expression ‘by convention’ and the qualification of claims as ‘notional’, especially as they are used in a regulatory text, betray the lack of foundations supporting the concept of legal tender as a 'debt' liability of the issuing entity. We owe this observation to Marco Cattaneo.
[4] The money is sold even when it is exchanged against credit claims under lending contracts.
[5] Income may take the form of capital income or revenue income. The former does not relate to running a business, while the latter arises from running business activities (Maheshwari, 2013).
[6] See, for instance, Schmidt (2013), PAAinE (2008), and PWC (2017).
[7] However, the similarity between money and goods in providing utility to holders and consumers, respectively, does not eliminate the unique features of money, such as its zero (or negligible) elasticity of production and its zero (or negligible) elasticity of substitution (Davidson, 1972).
[8] The very same real-time gross settlement (RTGS) systems, which typically require the mobilization of large volumes of central bank reserves, nowadays adopt technologies that permit the use of continuous (bilateral and/or multilateral) netting of interbank transactions, which drastically reduce the volume of reserves needed for settlement.
[9] That commercial banks create money (via their lending activity) is nowadays been recognized even by mainstream economic theory (McLeay et al., 2014). The secondary seigniorage that commercial banks extract from deposit creation derives from the revenue they receive from deposit issuances and the cost to raise the central bank reserves needed for settling payments (Bossone 2000, 2001 and 2017). It should be noted that in order for commercial banks to issue new deposits they do not need to incur new debts with customers (by accepting new deposits from them). They do need to raise the central bank reserves necessary to settle the obligations to other banks deriving from the holders of new deposits ordering payments. This can be achieved by mobilizing unutilized reserves, and accepting reserves from incoming payments, by borrowing reserves from the interbank market or the central bank, and by attracting reserves through new deposits (from old and/or new clients). The larger the share of the bank over total interbank payments, and the higher the efficiency of managing reserves for payment settlements, the less the reserves needed to support new deposit issuances,, and thus the larger the seigniorage. All else equal, commercial bank seigniorage increases when the central banks remunerates the reserves that commercial banks hold with it.

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