domenica 31 luglio 2016

Ireland Jails Three Top Bankers Over 2008 Banking Meltdown

Ireland Jails Three Top Bankers Over 2008 Banking Meltdown

The Bernie Madoffs of Ireland are headed to Mountjoy Prison.

Three senior Irish bankers were jailed on Friday for up to three-and-a-half years for conspiring to defraud investors in the most prominent prosecution arising from the 2008 banking crisis that crippled the country’s economy.
The trio will be among the first senior bankers globally to be jailed for their role in the collapse of a bank during the crisis.
The lack of convictions until now has angered Irish taxpayers, who had to stump up 64 billion euros—almost 40% of annual economic output—after a property collapse forced the biggest state bank rescue in the Eurozone.
The crash thrust Ireland into a three-year sovereign bailout in 2010 and the finance ministry said last month that it could take another 15 years to recover the funds pumped into the banks still operating.

Former Irish Life and Permanent Chief Executive Denis Casey was sentenced to two years and nine months following the 74-day criminal trial, Ireland’s longest ever.
Willie McAteer, former finance director at the failed Anglo Irish Bank, and John Bowe, its ex-head of capital markets, were given sentences of 42 months and 24 months respectively.
All three were convicted of conspiring together and with others to mislead investors, depositors and lenders by setting up a 7.2-billion-euro circular transaction scheme between March and September 2008 to bolster Anglo’s balance sheet.

Irish Life placed the deposits via a non-banking subsidiary in the run-up to Anglo’s financial year-end, to allow its rival to categorize them as customer deposits, which are viewed as more secure, rather than a deposit from another bank.
“By means that could be termed dishonest, deceitful and corrupt they manufactured 7.2 billion euros in deposits by obvious sham transactions,” Judge Martin Nolan told the court, describing the conspiracy as a “very serious crime”.
“The public is entitled to rely on the probity of blue chip firms. If we can’t rely on the probity of these banks we lose all hope or trust in institutions,” said Nolan.
None of the defendants reacted visibly to the sentencing before being led away by officers to Mountjoy Prison, the country’s largest and used in the past to hold Irish Republican Army prisoners.

Lawyers for the accused argued during the trial that their motivation in authorizing the deal was the “green jersey” agenda, the financial regulator’s request for Irish banks to support one another as the financial crisis worsened.
McAteer was convicted in 2014 of illegal lending and providing unlawful assistance to investors, but sentenced to perform community service when a judge ruled he was “led into error and illegality” by the Irish regulator.
Scandal-hit Anglo-Irish, described by Nolan as “probably the most reviled institution in the state”, was put into liquidation in 2013 and remains subject to other criminal trials.

Irish Life and Permanent was broken up during the restructuring of Ireland’s financial sector and its banking arm, permanent tsb, remains under 75% state ownership.
Two other Anglo-Irish bankers, chief operations officer Tiarnan O’Mahoney, 56, and former company secretary Bernard Daly, 67, earlier this year had their sentences quashed on appeal after spending several months in prison.
Banks in the United States and Britain have paid billions of dollars in fines and settlements connected to wrongdoing over their handling of subprime loans that helped cause the crisis. But no senior industry executives in those countries have been sent to jail.

sabato 30 luglio 2016

TIME FOR RESIGNATIONS AT THE IMF, THE ECB & THE COMMISSION

by yanisv
https://yanisvaroufakis.eu/2016/07/29/the-imf-confesses-it-immolated-greece-on-behalf-of-the-eurogroup/#comment-165521 
Screen Shot 2016-07-29 at 15.18.02.png
  • TIME FOR RESIGNATIONS AT THE IMF, THE ECB & THE COMMISSION

  • TIME FOR AN APOLOGY TO THE PEOPLE OF GREECE

  • TIME  FOR A POLICY U-TURN, BEGINNING WITH IMMEDIATE DEBT RELIEF, THE END OF AUSTERITY & THE CESSATION OF FIRE SALES

  • TIME FOR THE RESTORATION OF GREEK DEMOCRACY


This week began with a debate in Greek Parliament called by the Official Opposition (the troika’s main, but not only, domestic cheerleaders) for the purposes of, eventually, indicting me for daring to counter the troika while minister of finance in the first six months of 2015. The troika who had staged a bank run before I moved into the ministry, who had threatened me with bank closures three days after I assumed the ministry, and who proceeded to close down our banks, now moved to charge me with… bank closures and capital controls. Like a common bully, the troika proved immensely keen to blame its victims, and to violate and vilify anyone who dares resist its thuggery.
My reaction to the troika’s charges, and threat of being pulled up in front of a judicial inquiry , was simple: “Bring it on!” “I shall face you”, I challenged them “in any forum you want: in an amphitheatre, a TV station, even a court room!” In the end, they chickened out and the parliamentary motion was defeated as some of them (a small party usually fully in troika’s clasps) strategically voted against.
And then, to complete this week’s drubbing of the troika, the report by the IMF’s Independent Evaluation Office (IEO) saw the light of day. It is a brutal assessment, leaving no room for doubt about the vulgar economics and the gunboat diplomacy employed by the troika. It puts the IMF, the ECB and the Commission in a tight spot: Either restore a modicum of legitimacy by owning up and firing the officials most responsible or do nothing, thus turbocharging the discontent that European citizens feel toward the EU, accelerating the EU’s deconstruction. 

While I was in the ministry, negotiating with such folks, the troika-friendly (or should I say troika-dependent) press was arguing that I am not fit to conduct these negotiations because I had dared insinuate that, from 2010 to 2014, the IMF, the ECB and the Commission had been fiscally waterboarding Greece, causing an unnecessary Great Depression as a result of their thuggish imposition of macroeconomically incompetent policies. The establishment press were claiming that a finance minister of a small, bankrupt nation which is being waterboarded by the high and mighty troika functionaries cannot afford to say, in public or in private, that his small, bankrupt nation was being waterboarded.
My response was that we had tried silence and obedience from 2010 to 2014. The result? A loss of 28% of national income and grapes of wrath that were “…filling and growing heavy, growing heavy for the vintage”. Thus, it was time to put to the troika moderate, rational counter-proposals while refusing to continue to acquiesce to their pretend-and-extend tactics. It was a stance that I was never forgiven for.

A year after the troika succeeded in having me ejected from Greece’s government, by prevailing upon Alexis Tsipras to capitulate to them against the wishes of 62% of Greece’s voters, the IMF’s ‘internal affairs’ is now confirming that my stance was utterly justified, rather than mistaken or undiplomatic.

Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, in his 29th July Telegraph article, had this to say about the IMF’s IEO report:
A sub-report on the Greek saga said the country was forced to go through a staggering squeeze, equal to 11pc of GDP over the first three years. This set off a self-feeding downward spiral. The worse it became, the more Greece was forced cut  – what ex-finance minister Yanis Varoufakis called “fiscal water-boarding”.  (See below for more pertinent quotations from Evans-Pritchard)

The question now is: What next?
  • What good is it to receive a mea culpa if the policies imposed on the Greek government are the same ones that the mea culpa was issued for?
  • What good is it to have a mea culpa if those officials who imposed such disastrous, inhuman policies remain on board and are, in fact, promoted for their gross incompetence?
In sum, an urgent apology is due to the Greek people, not just by the IMF but also by the ECB and the Commission whose officials were egging the IMF on with the fiscal waterboarding of Greece. But an apology and a collective mea culpa from the troika is woefully inadequate. It needs to be followed up by the immediate dismissal of at least three functionaries.

First on the list is Mr Poul Thomsen – the original IMF Greek Mission Chief whose great failure (according to the IMF’s own reports never before had a mission chief presided over a greater macroeconomic disaster) led to his promotion to the IMF’s European Chief status. A close second spot in this list is Mr Thomas Wieser, the chair of the EuroWorkingGroup who has been part of every policy and every coup that resulted in Greece’s immolation and Europe’s ignominy, hopefully to be joined into retirement by Mr Declan Costello, whose fingerprints are all over the instruments of fiscal waterboarding. And, lastly, a gentleman that my Irish friends know only too well, Mr Klaus Masuch of the ECB.

Finally, and most importantly, the apology and the dismissals will count for nothing if they are not followed by a complete U-turn over macroeconomic, fiscal and reform policies for Greece and beyond.
Is any of this going to happen? Or will the IMF’s IEO report light up the sky fleetingly, to be forgotten soon? The omens are pointing to the latter. In which case, the EU’s chances of regaining the confidence of its citizens, chances that are already too slim, will run through our leaders’ fingers like thin, white sand.

FURTHER QUOTES FROM EVANS-PRITCHARD

“The report by the IMF’s Independent Evaluation Office (IEO) goes above the head of the managing director, Christine Lagarde. It answers solely to the board of executive directors, and those from Asia and Latin America are clearly incensed at the way EU insiders used the Fund to rescue their own rich currency union and banking system.”

While the Fund’s actions were understandable in the white heat of the crisis, the harsh truth is that the bail-out sacrificed Greece in a “holding action” to save the euro and north European banks. Greece endured the traditional IMF shock of austerity, without the offsetting IMF cure of debt relief and devaluation to restore viability.”

 “The International Monetary Fund’s top staff misled their own board, made a series of calamitous misjudgments in Greece, became euphoric cheerleaders for the euro project, ignored warning signs of impending crisis, and collectively failed to grasp an elemental concept of currency theory.” 

Many documents were prepared outside the regular established channels; written documentation on some sensitive matters could not be located IEO report
 
It describes a “culture of complacency”, prone to “superficial and mechanistic” analysis,  and traces a shocking break-down in the governance of the IMF, leaving it unclear who is ultimately in charge of this extremely powerful organisation.”
  

venerdì 29 luglio 2016

FT: Cbank digital currencies and the path to Gosbankification

Cbank digital currencies and the path to Gosbankification


  • Central banks issuing their own digital currencies (on blockchains, naturally) is an idea currying ever more favour in high-brow economic and banking circles.
    Fedcoin. BoEcoin. ECBcoin. They’re all (allegedly) at it — or at the very least contemplating the idea as a work-around to the zero lower bound and other niggling monetary problems.

    This month the BoE issued a paper on the topic entitled “The macroeconomics of central bank issued digital currencies. A related blog “Central bank digital currency: the end of monetary policy as we know it?” was published this week. But if you Google “central bank blockchain” you’ll find a gazillion references or more from all over the world talking about the subject.

    The arguments for are predictable. Official emoney would give central banks more power and control over the money supply. They’d be able to introduce negative rates or expand and contract the base money pool as and when the economy required it, especially if physical cash was suspended at the same time. Official emoney would also solve the safe asset problem (because the BoE’s balance sheet would now be available to anyone). And everyday people would be given the chance to limit their exposure to the banking sector without having to compromise on the convenience of digital banking services.
    Last and not least — something most popular with hard money enthusiasts — official emoney would open the door to an effective full-reserve system wherein bank funding would have no choice but be sourced from the existing loanable funds universe, eradicating the money creation power of the banks. (An appealing prospect for the likes of Positive Money, who have long been lobbying for the centralisation of money creation power.)
    Now it’s true that for a long time FT Alphaville expressed some sympathy for all these arguments (do see the back-catalogue links below). But, in the spirit of contrarianism, we’ve recently changed our minds (links to flip-flop posts also available below).
    There are three core factors which have changed our perspective.
    • Centralised money’s tendency to ossify the economy.
    • The fact that float/reserve management is really hard, especially for a central operator.
    • The fact alternative money systems will always find a way to co-exist with official money, especially if the official money turns bad.
    The rest of this post is dedicated to the first point.
    It’s worth noting the BoE’s Marilyne Tolle has already hinted of how the setup could end-up complicating the monetary policy channel:
    If households and firms were given access to CBcoin accounts at the CB, banks’ dominant role as providers of payment services would be called into question. As a risk-free, interest-bearing asset, CBcoin would be preferable to bank deposits (and even paper currency, presuming anonymity concerns were addressed), encouraging households and firms to convert their bank deposits into CBcoin deposits. The appeal of CBcoin vis-à-vis deposits would likely depend on the relative interest rate payable.
    In effect, retail payments (and securities transactions) would no longer have to be mediated by banks, as the funds would be transferred directly from one party’s CBcoin account to another’s. A disintermediated payment system could gradually replace the current centralised system and its associated credit and liquidity risks (see BIS (2003)). The main benefit to CBcoin account holders would be access to cheap and fast peer-to-peer transactions.
    Under this scenario, banks would no longer be able to depend on deposits for funding. Their money creation power would be dissolved, but so too would their capacity to take competitive risks with respect to lending decisions. If banks wanted to make loans they would be forced to source funds from the population’s central bank deposits (which, of course, might not be forthcoming) or to seek liquidity directly from the central bank. Funding for lending would become the norm, with the central bank determining which loans were worth making and which were note. This might not seem so bad, until you realise banks would turn into simple branch agents of the central bank.
    Forcing banks to pre-fund every loan with central bank money, meanwhile, could constrain the monetary growth needed to deliver the monetary returns promised. As a result, the arrangement would put a lot of trust in a single authority’s ability to determine just how much money supply is enough at any given time. It would also shift most of the balancing risk over to the government balance sheet and away from the private sector. In short, the temptation to imprudently create money could hypothetically be shifted away from the private sector and over to the government sector instead.
    And it’s not like the annals of centralised money systems past haven’t already provided us with some poor examples of these models in play.
    The first and foremost which comes to mind is that of the Gosbank system of the Soviet Union. To wit, here are a few extracts from Patrick Conway’s 1995 Princeton research paper entitledCurrency Proliferation: The monetary legacy of the Soviet Union”:
    The Gosbank was the monetary authority for the Soviet Union. Its policy of ruble-banknote emission was essentially passive. If the demand for currency to meet necessary wage and pension payments exceeded the stock of currency available through the financial system, the Gosbank issued additional currency against the liabilities of the central government.
    ———
    … the Gosbank was the only bank for the entire economy; even after 1987, when it was broken into pieces, the activities of the pieces remained under the control of Gosbank leadership. Second, the use of currency and credit for making payments occurred in two largely separate channels. Third, government liabilities were the chief assets for the entire financial system.
    ————
    This monobank system of accounts produced a dichotomy between banknote and accounting transactions in the flow of funds. Households received wages from enterprises and transfers from the government. They then used these to purchase goods and to save through deposits at the Gosbank. These flows took place in banknotes or “cash rubles,” using the Soviet terminology. Financial flows among enterprises and between enterprises and the government occurred through accounting entires at the Gosbank and were thus in non-cash rubles. The cash and non-cash circuits were not completely self-contained or self-balancing, however, because the enterprise and banking sector received and made paymetns in both cash and non-cash rubles. The convertibility of cash and non-cash flows was ensured by the Gosbank, which exchanged banknotes and accounting rubles at par.
    ————
    The Soviet government had large fiscal responsibilities. Most notably, it was directly responsible for numerous vast industrial operations, including those in the defense and aerospace sectors. In the absence of adequate tax revenues, the government sought to sustain these operations by deficit spending through credit creation by the Gosbank. The outcome of these activities was a large buildup of inflationary pressure in the final years of the Soviet Union.
    Now, we’ll admit it’s not an absolute equivalent situation. With Gosbank came Gosplan, a people’s political authority and a helluva lot of welfare.
    But you can see where we’re going with this. Once you centralise the money-creation function you inadvertently create a captured market for a single type of monetary instrument. This removes the checks and balances associated with a competitive monetary system and leads directly to the second problematic issue we’ve identified: a single monetary authority’s ability to competently manage and re-invest the monetary float in a way which will defend its par value.
    If and when the central bank fails to do that — something ultimately determined by the quality of the assets or claims which back the reserves — then private sector alternatives, foreign national currencies or commodities will begin to circulate as money anyway (and will do so even if they’re less convenient).

    Official: central bankers rig markets with gold lending

    Vindicating GATA, academic study says central banks rig markets with gold lending

    Section: 2:10p ET Thursday, July 21, 2016
    http://www.gata.org/node/16611

    Dear Friend of GATA and Gold:

    Dirk Baur, formerly a finance professor at the University of Technology in Sydney, now professor of accounting and finance at the University of Western Australia in Perth, this month updated his 2013 study about gold market manipulation --
    http://www.gata.org/node/13045
    -- and has incorporated much of GATA's documentation. With that documentation in hand, Baur cites GATA and vindicates GATA's work, concluding that secret gold lending by central banks has become their primary mechanism of controlling the gold market.

    Baur's study is titled "Central Banks and Gold" and he concludes it this way:
    "The theoretical arguments for central bank gold price management are based on the connection of gold with fiat currency. Gold reserves are designed to build confidence in fiat currency. This confidence would be jeopardized if the price of gold increased by too much, which is the theoretical basis for control and management of the price.

    "There is also an incentive for central banks to control the downside of gold prices and thus preserve the value of their gold reserves.
    "The Central Bank Gold Agreement is clear acknowledgement of central banks' potential price impact and evidence of coordinated and mostly hidden price and reserves management. In addition, the European Central Bank's gold reserves and recent increases of emerging market central banks' gold reserves are further evidence of the role of gold in central bank monetary policy beyond the 'legacy' gold holdings of the United States and many, mostly European central banks.

    "Furthermore, the gold lending activities of central banks implicit in the gold leasing rate establish a link between central banks, bullion banks, and gold mining companies and imply an indirect and transferred gold price management. Gold lending is the basis for the gold carry trade, which is profitable in stable gold price regimes and provides market-based incentives to stabilize or control the gold price.

    "In other words, the gold carry trade represents a market-driven suppression of the gold price based on the gold lending of central banks.
    "Whilst there are strong economic arguments for central bank gold price management following the high inflation episode and the rising price of gold in the late 1970s, it is less clear why central banks would have ended such strategies rather abruptly in the 2000s.

    "In contrast, the unwinding of the gold carry trade in the early 2000s offers an explanation for the significant price change between 2003 and 2011. Remarkably, whilst central bank gold lending can stabilize gold prices and the gold carry trade is creating a self-sustaining environment, gold lending is not effective in rising gold price regimes as in such regimes there is no market-based borrowing demand and the creation of such a demand would be too costly.
    "This asymmetry in the ability to influence the price of gold does not only apply to gold lending but also to actual gold reserve sales and purchases. The empirical analysis of global central bank gold reserves changes illustrates that central banks can enforce a price floor but not enforce a price ceiling.

    "There is also an explanation for the apparent lack of transparency regarding central bank gold reserve management including gold lending. If central banks disclosed planned gold reserve changes or gold lending activities, they would provide signals to the market that would make the changes more costly or increase the volatility and uncertainty in the gold market. The disclosure of the Bank for International Settlements about a gold swap in 2010 and a subsequent fall in the price of gold is a good example for the effects of such announcements.
    "This study demonstrated that central banks have an economic interest in gold prices and directly and indirectly influence the price of gold. It also illustrated that central banks can only stabilize a falling gold price but not a rising gold price and that the stabilization can work only if it is hidden from the public and coordinated among central banks."

    Baur's study is posted at the Social Science Research Network's Internet site here --
    http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2326606
    -- and has been copied onto GATA's Internet site here:
    http://www.gata.org/files/Baur-CentralBanksAndGold-07-20-2016.pdf

    Your secretary/treasurer will send Baur's study to major financial news organizations so it can be added to the long list of market-rigging documentation they suppress in order to ingratiate themselves with governments and financial institutions, thereby disgracing journalism and subverting democracy.

    CHRIS POWELL, Secretary/Treasurer
    Gold Anti-Trust Action Committee Inc.
    CPowell@GATA.org

    IMF admits disastrous love affair with the euro

     "I have never yet had anyone who could, through the use of logic and reason, justify the Federal Government borrowing the use of its own money... I believe the time will come when people will demand that this be changed. I believe the time will come in this country when they will actually blame you and me and everyone else connected with the Congress for sitting idly by and permitting such an idiotic system to continue." - Congressman Wright Patman

    IMF admits disastrous love affair with the euro and apologises for the immolation of Greece


    IMF
    The IMF's chief Christine Lagarde is presiding over an organisation that is almost out of control


    The International Monetary Fund’s top staff misled their own board, made a series of calamitous misjudgments in Greece, became euphoric cheerleaders for the euro project, ignored warning signs of impending crisis, and collectively failed to grasp an elemental concept of currency theory. 
    This is the lacerating verdict of the IMF’s top watchdog on the fund’s tangled political role in the eurozone debt crisis, the most damaging episode in the history of the Bretton Woods institutions.

    It describes a “culture of complacency”, prone to “superficial and mechanistic” analysis, and traces a shocking breakdown in the governance of the IMF, leaving it unclear who is ultimately in charge of this extremely powerful organisation.

    The report by the IMF’s Independent Evaluation Office (IEO) goes above the head of the managing director, Christine Lagarde. It answers solely to the board of executive directors, and those from Asia and Latin America are clearly incensed at the way European Union insiders used the fund to rescue their own rich currency union and banking system.
     
    The three main bailouts for Greece, Portugal and Ireland were unprecedented in scale and character. The trio were each allowed to borrow over 2,000pc of their allocated quota – more than three times the normal limit – and accounted for 80pc of all lending by the fund between 2011 and 2014.

    In an astonishing admission, the report said its own investigators were unable to obtain key records or penetrate the activities of secretive "ad-hoc task forces". Mrs Lagarde herself is not accused of obstruction.
    “Many documents were prepared outside the regular established channels; written documentation on some sensitive matters could not be located. The IEO in some instances has not been able to determine who made certain decisions or what information was available, nor has it been able to assess the relative roles of management and staff," it said.

    The report said the whole approach to the eurozone was characterised by “groupthink” and intellectual capture. They had no fall-back plans on how to tackle a systemic crisis in the eurozone – or how to deal with the politics of a multinational currency union – because they had ruled out any possibility that it could happen.

    “Before the launch of the euro, the IMF’s public statements tended to emphasise the advantages of the common currency," it said. Some staff members warned that the design of the euro was fundamentally flawed but they were overruled.
    “After a heated internal debate, the view supportive of what was perceived to be Europe’s political project ultimately prevailed,” it said.

    This pro-EMU bias continued to corrupt their thinking for years. “The IMF remained upbeat about the soundness of the European banking system and the quality of banking supervision in euro-area countries until after the start of the global financial crisis in mid-2007. This lapse was largely due to the IMF’s readiness to take the reassurances of national and euro area authorities at face value,” it said.

    The IMF persistently played down the risks posed by ballooning current account deficits and the flood of capital pouring into the eurozone periphery, and neglected the danger of a "sudden stop" in capital flows.

    “The possibility of a balance of payments crisis in a monetary union was thought to be all but non-existent,” it said. As late as mid-2007, the IMF still thought that “in view of Greece’s EMU membership, the availability of external financing is not a concern".

    At root was a failure to grasp the elemental point that currency unions with no treasury or political union to back them up are inherently vulnerable to debt crises. States facing a shock no longer have sovereign tools to defend themselves. Devaluation risk is switched into bankruptcy risk.
    “In a monetary union, the basics of debt dynamics change as countries forgo monetary policy and exchange rate adjustment tools,” said the report. This would be amplified by a “vicious feedback between banks and sovereigns”, each taking the other down. That the IMF failed to anticipate any of this was a serious scientific and professional failure.

    In Greece, the IMF violated its own cardinal rule by signing off on a bailout in 2010 even though it could offer no assurance that the package would bring the country’s debts under control or clear the way for recovery, and many suspected from the start that it was doomed.

    The organisation got around this by slipping through a radical change in IMF rescue policy, allowing an exemption (since abolished) if there was a risk of systemic contagion. “The board was not consulted or informed,” it said. The directors discovered the bombshell “tucked into the text” of the Greek package, but by then it was a fait accompli.

    The IMF was in an invidious position when it was first drawn into the Greek crisis.  The Lehman crisis was still fresh. “There were concerns that such a credit event could spread to other members of the euro area, and more widely to a fragile global economy,” said the report.

    The eurozone had no firewall against contagion, and its banks were tottering. The European Central Bank had not yet stepped up to the plate as lender of last resort. It was deemed too dangerous to push for a debt restructuring in Greece.

    While the fund’s actions were understandable in the white heat of the crisis, the harsh truth is that the bailout sacrificed Greece in a “holding action” to save the euro and north European banks. Greece endured the traditional IMF shock of austerity, without the offsetting IMF cure of debt relief and devaluation to restore viability.

    A sub-report on the Greek saga said the country was forced to go through a staggering squeeze, equal to 11pc of GDP over the first three years. This set off a self-feeding downward spiral. The worse it became, the more Greece was forced to cut – what ex-finance minister Yanis Varoufakis called "fiscal water-boarding".
    “The automatic stabilisers were not allowed to operate, thus aggravating the pro-cyclicality of the fiscal policy, which exacerbated the contraction,” said the report.

    The attempt to force through an "internal devaluation" of 20pc to 30pc by means of deflationary wage cuts was self-defeating since it necessarily shrank the economic base and sent the debt trajectory spiralling upwards. “A fundamental problem was the inconsistency between attempting to regain price competitiveness and simultaneously trying to reduce the debt to nominal GDP ratio,” it said.

    The IMF thought the fiscal multiplier was 0.5 when it may in reality have been five times as high, given the fragility of the Greek system. The result is that nominal GDP ended 25pc lower than the IMF’s projections, and unemployment soared to 25pc instead of 15pc as expected. “The magnitude of Greece’s growth forecast errors looks extraordinary,” it said.

    The strategy relied on forlorn hopes that the "confidence fairy" would lift Greece out of this policy-induced nose-dive. “Highly optimistic” plans to raise $50bn from privatisation sales came to little. Some assets did not even have clear legal ownership. The chronic “lack of realism” lasted until late 2011. By then the damage was done.

    The injustice is that the cost of the bailouts was switched to ordinary Greek citizens  – the least able to support the burden  – and it was never acknowledged that the true motive of EU-IMF Troika policy was to protect monetary union. Indeed, the Greeks were repeatedly blamed for failures that stemmed from the policy itself. This unfairness – the root of so much bitterness in Greece – is finally recognised in the report.

     “If preventing international contagion was an essential concern, the cost of its prevention should have been borne – at least in part – by the international community as the prime beneficiary,” it said.
    Better late than never.

    Danish banker Mads Palsvig: Central Bank Debt Slavery

    giovedì 28 luglio 2016

    Academics and civil society clash on money

    Home » Blog » 2016 » July » 27 » Prime Economics:… Screenshot 2016-07-27 17.18.28 Geoff Tily has some interesting and balanced analysis on the academic debate around money reform, in particular the debate between Giuseppe Fontana and Malcolm Sawyer, and Positive Money, which is currently playing out in the Cambridge Journal of Economics.
    Tily expresses some concern that stopping banks creating money is ‘throwing the baby out with the bathwater‘, but also highlights weaknesses in Fontana & Sawyer’s critiques:
    “But while Fontana and Sawyer celebrate the positives of money, they barely touch on the negatives… [T]here is no sense of the scale of the failure of the system, and of whether there is need for fundamental reform (recognising this is only a review essay, not a statement of their perspective in full).”
    While Geoff wouldn’t go as far as completely removing banks’ power to create money, he does welcome the work that organisations like Positive Money and the New Economics Foundation are doing:
    “…as noted at the start, civil society organisations are raising questions in the public mind that academia has not managed to raise. Indeed they have seemingly provoked the Bank of England to publicly concede that banks create money and point out that mainstream textbooks are generally wrong on this fundamental point. This is a very non-trivial admission (the first time in history?), serving somehow to vindicate the work of all of us.”

    Read the full post here.

    mercoledì 27 luglio 2016

    Central bankers' speeches: Accounting is all about trust

    Andreas Ittner: Accounting is all about trust

    Speech given by Mr Andreas Ittner, Vice Governor of the Central Bank of the Republic of Austria, at the fifth ECB conference on Accounting, financial reporting and corporate governance for central banks, Frankfurt am Main, 21 June 2016.
    http://www.bis.org/review/r160727b.htm


    Ladies and gentlemen,
    At a dinner party one should eat wisely but not too well, and talk well but not too wisely. Bearing these words of William Somerset Maugham in mind, I will do my best to neither bore you with technical stuff, nor to spoil your appetite with too wise remarks. But if I may just stay with that quote for a moment: Shakespeare lovers among you may have recognized that it is a paraphrase of a speech by Othello, in which he describes himself as "one that lov'd not wisely but too well". His tragedy is that he allows his reading of reality to be coloured by jealousy (and Iago's deceit), which destroys his trust in his wife's love and fidelity.
    I hope you won't find it too heroic a leap from here to the observation that the financial markets in which central banks, commercial banks and other players operate are crucially dependent on trust. Trust in the basic integrity of the institutions and corporations that make up the market, in the rules by which they play, and in the information that they disclose to the market.
    1. Central banks
    So let me start with some thoughts about the evolution of central banking and the importance of financial reporting in this process.
    Central banks have always been confronted with changing in economic and legal conditions in their activity. These changes are often the result of crisis and the danger of financial and economic collapse.
    Permit me, in its 200th anniversary year, to cite the example of the Austrian central bank, one of the oldest central banks in Europe, which was created in a crisis situation after the long years of the Napoleonic wars to stabilize the troubled economic and financial situation of the Austrian Empire, and in particular to restore trust in the national currency.
    Public trust in the national currency was the starting point for the need to publish financial statements of the Austrian central bank. Our bank was founded after the Napoleonic Wars and the Congress of Vienna in June 1816, as a better trusted agent and intermediate with commercial banks after the Austrian-Empire had issued paper money on a grand scale. The first monthly financial statements were published in 1848 (so called Revolution Year in Austria and much of Europe) a year of public riots against the government in the Austrian Empire. The purpose of the publication was to reassure the public that the paper money was covered by adequate silver holdings. After some years of prosperity the first significant financial crisis then also triggered the publication of the central bank's balance sheets from 1863 onwards. The legal necessity to publish weekly balance sheets in order to prove the coverage of the national currency by adequate assets like gold holdings and foreign currency holdings of the Austrian central bank continued until 1999, when we joined the Eurosystem. From that point on the ECB continued with this task for all National central banks of the Eurosystem by its consolidated weekly financial statement until today.
    Nowadays, the tasks of a central bank in the framework of the European Economic and Monetary Union are well defined. They include both the general aim of price and financial stability, and the development, the implementation and the monitoring of compliance with, new regulations. To secure the objective of price stability, the independence of the central bank, especially with regard to monetary and macroprudential policy, is a major prerequisite. It has been recognized that the "leaning-against-the-wind" function requires a central bank that is not subject to the pressures of day-to-day politics. For the government and/or parliament to cede this power to the central bank, they need to have the assurance of extensive central bank accountability and transparency; always tempered, of course, by the amount of confidentiality necessary in order to remain effective, and indeed independent, for example with regard to the voting behaviour of individual monetary policy committee members.
    A central bank's monetary policy decisions are discussed in the mass media and the general public, and not only the decisions themselves but also their financial results. Financial results have become more important - and more difficult to earn - in a "new normal" environment of ultra low interest rates and rising costs stemming from increasing tasks of central banks, and also in the context of issues like income and loss sharing which are typical for currency systems consisting of many countries, like the Eurosystem.
    Central banks' capital adequacy and the definition of financial buffers are usually caught in a tension between, on the one hand, domestic laws, which vary considerably in their definitions of capital and its components, and, on the other hand, systemic balance sheet growth, which is a necessary consequence of central banks' interventions in the financial and economic crisis. As central banks are mostly government institutions or publicly owned companies, their capital is mostly limited by domestic laws. In cases of substantial balance sheet growth, existing rules might not fit anymore. At such times the financial reporting framework might have to provide possibilities for new appropriate solutions.
    One such solution might be for recapitalisation by domestic governments after losses, or for potential future losses, to be made mandatory, however such requirements are often difficult to get approved by parliament and by public opinion.
    Designing the adequate level and composition of the capital of a central bank is a sensitive challenge. One has, among a number of other internal and external factors, to take account of the central bank's legal environment, the relationship to the government, and its special tasks, like lender-of-last-resort function, or a fiscal agent-function vis-? - vis the state. In any event, a central bank's capital must be sufficient to maintain its independence from the political sphere, and to provide a buffer for the inevitable price volatility resulting from the current investment environment.
    The individually adequate balance for each central bank between a suitable accounting framework, profit distribution rules and the ability to hold or reserve adequate amounts for loss coverage is the key for financial independence. When you apply the accounting rules to arrive at the annual financial result, you are then confronted with the question of applying rules for the distribution of profits. These rules can be classified in six general legal profit and loss schemes according to a recent ECB study on profit distribution and loss coverage of central banks (by Werner Studener and his colleagues).
    The study, based on the experience of 57 central banks that provided data for the ECB analysis, confirms what the BIS found in 2013, namely that there is no one-size-fits-all solution for central banks, neither for the level of capital and financial buffers nor for profit distribution and loss coverage; nor, indeed, for recapitalisation rules. However, there is evidence that these topics are interconnected and a set of guiding principles have been identified, which help to find an individual balance.
    2. Commercial banks and corporates
    As I said earlier, financial reporting is a key issue, not only for central banks, but for all kinds of businesses and, of course, commercial banks as well. Modern historians agree that the invention of double entry bookkeeping in the fifteenth century was a major driver for modern economic pursuit and capitalism, as it first introduced the maxim "Increase your equity!" Or, in the words of Charlie Munger (of Berkshire Hathaway): "Double entry bookkeeping was a hell of an invention."
    Now even more than it did back then, accounting poses a considerable challenge and uses huge resources. The need to provide a true and fair view of ever more complex and sophisticated transactions, to the satisfaction of an ever wider range of stakeholders, has led to rather complex accounting rules nowadays. As Sir David Tweedie, the former chair of the IASB once said, "anyone who thinks he understands IAS 39, has not read it properly."
    But time will tell if IFRS 9 is capable of doing a better job.
    The new impairment model, with its paradigm change from allowances based on incurred losses to risk provisions based on expected losses, will have a huge impact on financial reports of banks and their analysis. It can be expected to lead to considerably increased impairments at initial application, and over time to a higher degree of volatility.
    Will IFRS 9 add to the trustworthiness of accounts? The primary aim of IFRS 9 is to establish a significantly improved accounting standard for presenting users of financial statements with information that is relevant, useful, and more comprehensive in assessing the amounts, timing and uncertainty of a firm's cash flows from financial instruments. Provisions for bad debts will be larger and maybe more volatile, and adopting the new rules will require a lot of time, effort and money. As of today, I understand, it is unclear if the new accounting rules will strengthen the trustworthiness of accounts because of the complexity of the standard.
    3. Banking supervision
    Another demanding issue, especially in the context of European integration, and of banking supervision in the Banking Union, is the variety of legal bases for accounting rules. On the one hand, certain jurisdictions oblige preparers to base their financial statements entirely on IFRS. On the other hand, several member states still rely on their national GAAPs, at least for financial statements on solo level.
    Nowadays we find advocates of both approaches. The ones argue that uniform accounting rules are key in an economic union. The others favor the retention of national GAAPs which, compared to IFRS, in several ways incorporate a greater degree of prudence.
    In the context of European supervision, we are currently seeing efforts to overcome this diversity in accounting rules for the purpose of developing a set of key risk indicators for cross-sectoral and cross-country comparisons, by translating national-GAAP numbers of banks to, for the lack of a better word, fictitious IFRS data.
    Therefore, as supervisors we are moving in an area of conflict between the goal of achieving a level playing field and of avoiding the use of inaccurate data based on vague translations from nGAAP to IFRS. The trade-off can also be seen as that between the attempt to capture "reality" as faithfully as possible against the need to develop and apply a robust - even if not perfect - signalling tool for European supervisory action. This seems to be rather dangerous. Eventually it can be used to identify trends in the industry but certainly not to trigger supervisory action on a single bank.
    4. Accountants and auditors
    I cannot conclude these remarks without at least touching on an essential component of a trust-based environment, and that is the accounting profession. The accounting frameworks, as we have seen, attempt to reconcile the information needs of a variety of stakeholders and will change along with those needs and with the economic setting. What remains in all circumstances, though, is the need for accountancy practitioners and audit professionals who have the skills to understand the transactions and relationships underlying the financial reports, and who can manage their conflicts of interest to the highest standard of international practice. (I may add, from my particular vantage point as a prudential supervisor of banks, that we are frequently amazed at the fragility of audited bank accounts under supervisory scrutiny, and at what are often accepted as plausible assumptions.)
    In order to support confidence in the statutory audit, it has been necessary to implement different reforms at the European level. These include the mandatory external rotation of auditors to avoid dependencies in companies of public interest and the restriction of non-audit services by the auditor during the audit mandate. Additional measures, which lead to an increase in the quality of audit were also necessary. This applies to the mandatory application of International Standards on Auditing by the auditors and quality assurance checks by national authorities. An increased audit quality will also strengthen the confidence in financial statements and audit reports, that are able to withstand inspection by enforcement bodies.
    5. Conclusion
    And so we see that for the financial system to have the trust of those inside it and those outside, we need four things to be in place to a significant degree:
    • Transparency of methodology and outcomes;
    • Well designed tools and rules;
    • Well balanced institutional checks and balances, including self-correcting and learning mechanisms.
    And finally, personal integrity of practitioners. This is key. In the end, both the auditors and the financial directors who sign off on financial reports, and their supervisors, must be constantly aware of their fiduciary duty to the public and to the continued functioning of the delicately balanced, fragile, trust-based system they operate in.
    Thank you for your attention.

    Why the ESM need to be above the law if it's not criminal ?

    How the ECB is Officially Above the Law

     
    Yves here. Economists argue that central banks needed to be independent in order to insulate them from political pressure in setting interest rates. There’s no justification for a central bank to be outside the law. Indeed, there was a huge hue and cry in the US when the Treasury tried to put itself in a position of being unable to be held to account, even with respect to criminal acts, in its first draft of the TARP legislation (BTW our takedown is a classic). It’s thus astonishing to see that the ECB has achieved that on a much broader basis.
    By Don Quijones, Spain & Mexico, editor at Wolf Street. Originally published at Wolf Street
    It all began with an early morning police raid. On July 6, Slovenian Police, acting on an insider tip, stormed the headquarters of the country’s central bank, the Bank of Slovenia, and seized information stored on the bank’s internal network. It also raided the headquarters of the major state-owned bank Nova Ljubljanksa and the local offices of international accountancy firms (and prolific enablers of corporate misbehavior), Ernst & Young and Deloitte.
    The police were investigating allegations that some “legal entities” had abused their office in valuing equity at Nova Ljubljanksa during its bailout by the state in 2013. €257 million is alleged to have been misappropriated, during the €3.2 billion bailout of the banks.
    The action provoked a furious backlash from ECB chairman Mario Draghi, who wrote the following in a strongly worded letter:
    The ECB deplores that there was no attempt to find a solution reconciling the conduct of the pre-criminal investigations with the ECB’s privilege on inviolability of its archives…
    The ECB also regrets that the actions of the Slovenian Police risk putting into question the fulfilment of the Bank of Slovenia’s tasks as a member of the Eurosystem, as well as that of its governor in his personal capacity as a member of the Governing Council of the ECB.
    Both Slovenia’s central bank and Finance Minister Dusan Mramor, who unexpectedly resigned on July 13, sided with Draghi, arguing that the probe represented an attack on the central bank’s institutional independence. They both called on Prosecutor General Zvonko Fiser to conclude his probe into the €3.2 billion recapitalization of state-owned banks as swiftly as possible.
    But not everyone agrees. According to the police, legal entities, including the Bank of Slovenia and its staff “are not protected from investigations” in pretrial proceedings. Likewise, a Slovenian association of small shareholders, representing owners of around €600 million of subordinated bonds that were bailed in as part of Slovenia’s bailout, accused the ECB president of interfering “with the independence of Slovenian authorities, prosecution, and courts.”
    In part they are right: the ECB is directly interfering in the actions of Slovenian authorities, prosecution, and courts. But where they are wrong is in their belief that these institutions enjoy any kind of procedural independence when it comes to investigating the actions of Slovenia’s central bank in its bailout of the financial system. Such powers were signed away a long time ago by Slovenia’s government — and the governments of all other Eurozone member states.

    The ECB and all of its affiliated national central banks are, by law, above the law of national jurisdictions and answerable only to the European Court of Justice, provided they are fulfilling the functions and responsibilities assigned to them by EU law. This is particularly true in relation to bailouts of Europe’s financial institutions, an issue that is once again on the front pages, as the financial sector of Italy readies itself for a bailout of potentially biblical proportions.
    No European institution is as immune from national law as the Luxembourg-based European Stability Mechanism (ESM), which was founded on September 27, 2012, as a permanent facility within the ECB to provide bailouts to countries that are in distress. It currently has an authorized capital limit of €700 billion, though that can be expanded at any time by the board of governors, and individual Eurozone member states are “irrevocably and unconditionally” required to cough up the funds.

    The institution has already provided €136.3 billion in bailout funds to three Eurozone members — Cyprus (€9bn), Greece, (€86bn) and Spain (€41.3bn) — but that amount is almost certain to increase in the coming months amidst calls from the ECB, among others, for the creation of a European TARP fund to mop up the non-performing loans clogging up the banking systems in Italy and Greece.
    In one fell swoop, tens of billions of newly created digital euros will flow from Frankfurt and Luxembourg to the central banks of Italy and Greece, and from there onto the balance sheets of distressed banks throughout the two nations. With such huge sums of money flowing between institutions of questionable repute and under conditions of virtual secrecy, the potential for fraud or outright theft on either or both sides of the transactions is huge, especially given blanket immunity.
    Under Article 32 of the consolidated ESM Treaty:
    “The ESM, its property, funding and assets, wherever located and by whomsoever held, shall enjoy immunity from every form of judicial process except to the extent that the ESM expressly waives its immunity…”
    To hammer the point home, Article 32 further states that:
    “The property, funding and assets of the ESM shall, wherever located and by whomsoever held, be immune from search, requisition, confiscation, expropriation or any other form of seizure, taking or foreclosure by executive, judicial, administrative or legislative action.”
    The same article also points out that the “archives of the ESM and all documents belonging to the ESM or held by it, shall be inviolable.”
    It’s not just the ESM’s property, funding and assets that are inviolable; so, too, are its employees. To wit, from Article 35:
    In the interest of the ESM, the Chairperson of the Board of Governors, Governors, alternate Governors, Directors, alternate Directors, as well as the Managing Director and other staff members shall be immune from legal proceedings with respect to acts performed by them in their official capacity and shall enjoy inviolability in respect of their official papers and documents.
    The above clauses provide the ESM and its employees with not just complete immunity from national law, but total impunity. It’s a recipe for rampant abuse of power and white-collar criminality. In the case of the bailout of Slovenia, one of the Eurozone’s smallest economies, €257 million is alleged to have been misappropriated. That’s almost 10% of the total funds released.
    Imagine how much money could be made to disappear in a bailout of Italy’s banking system!
    The ECB’s clash with Slovenian authorities raises serious questions about the accumulative — and ongoing — power grab of an institution that is now arguably Europe’s most powerful.

    It was a perfect gift to a desperate market. All that was needed was a gentle hint that Italy’s troubled banks and their bondholders might not be hung out to dry.  Read… Look Who’s Frantically Demanding that Taxpayers Stop Italy’s Bank Meltdown

    Bank of England: Digital Cash – the end of monetary policy as we know it?

    Home » Blog » 2016 » July » 25 » Bank of England:… bank of england digital currency
    Last week the Bank of England released a key paper that analyses the ‘macroeconomics of central bank issued digital currencies’. The paper essentially asks what would happen if people could hold money electronically at the central bank, instead of having to use bank deposits (created by commercial banks). We wrote about it briefly last week but we’re still working through the fine details of the 69-page mathematical model to figure out the implications for our work. In the meantime, the Bank of England’s staff blog has just released a much more accessible discussion of the issues:
    “…taken to its most extreme conclusion, CBcoin issuance could have far-reaching consequences for commercial and central banking – divorcing payments from private bank deposits and even putting an end to banks’ ability to create money.”
    The very existence of a digital equivalent to cash – what we’ve called Digital Cash in our own paper on the idea – could (theoretically) lead to banks being unable to create money:
    “Another scenario would see a large-scale shift of customer deposits into CBcoin, forcing banks to sell off their loan books. Bank deposits could still exist but as saving instruments, no longer used to make payments. Banks could still originate loans, provided they lent money actually invested by customers, say, in non-insured investment accounts that couldn’t be used as a medium of exchange. Banks would operate like mutual funds, losing their power to create money and becoming pure intermediaries of loanable funds, as described in economic textbooks.”
    Read the full article: Central bank digital currency: the end of monetary policy as we know it?

    US, Miami judge: Bitcoin 'not real money'

    Bitcoin 'not real money' says Miami judge in closely watched ruling

    • Defendant acquitted of illegally transmitting $1,500 worth of cryptocurrency
    • Judge: ‘Bitcoin has a long way to go before it is the equivalent of money’

    Judge Teresa Mary Pooler: ‘It is very clear that bitcoin has a long way to go before it is equivalent of money.’ Photograph: Jacob Carter/REX/Shutterstock

    A Miami court judge has sent ripples through the cryptocurrency community in a ruling in which she said bitcoin was not real money.
    Defendant Michel Espinoza was on trial for illegally transmitting and laundering $1,500 worth of bitcoins to undercover agents who intended to use them to purchase stolen credit cards.
    His attorney argued that the charges should be dismissed because, under Florida state law, the cyber-currency could not be considered money. After extended deliberation, Judge Teresa Mary Pooler agreed in a ruling issued on Monday.


    “This court is not an expert in economics,” Pooler wrote in her ruling. “However, it is very clear, even to someone with limited knowledge in the area, that bitcoin has a long way to go before it is equivalent of money.”
    She proceeded to dismiss all three counts against the defendant.
    Due to the severe lack of jurisprudence and ambiguous regulations surrounding bitcoin, Espinoza’s case has been a focus of interest for the virtual currency community but the ramifications remain unclear.
    Bitcoin is a virtual currency that allows its users to exchange value online and that can allow the source, or recipient, of the funds to remain anonymous. As it’s grown in popularity among netizens, and libertarians who distrust the central banking system, it has also gained a reputation for use in nefarious transactions.
    Charles Evans, associate professor of finance and economics at Barry University, has studied virtual currencies extensively. He was hired as an expert witness by the defense in Espinoza’s case, where he testified that bitcoin is not money.
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    “Today is a good day,” Evans said. “The battle isn’t finished but at this particular moment we should all take our victories where we can take them and this counts as a victory.”
    Evans said bitcoin users in Florida would now have an easier time sending bitcoin as remittances with fewer regulatory hurdles, as a result of this ruling. Individual users will not be considered money transmitters and they are free to purchase bitcoin using real money.
    But Judith Alison Lee, a partner at the Gibson Dunn law firm who has written on virtual currency regulations in the US, said the judge’s ruling was counter to the direction federal regulators were headed.
    “This decision by the judge is flat-right inconsistent with what the feds are doing,” Lee said. “It is surprising.”
    The case’s ramifications, however, may be limited due to the small jurisdiction of the court, she added.
    Espinoza’s money-laundering charges were also dismissed in the case, but more due to the circumstance of his arrest. Undercover detectives bought bitcoin from Espinoza after informing him they intended to use the virtual currency to purchase stolen credit card numbers. The judge found that this did not equate to laundering. “There is unquestionably no evidence that the defendant did anything wrong, other than sell his bitcoin to an investigator who wanted to make a case.”
    Brian Klein, a partner at the Baker Marquart law firm in California who works on financial technology cases, said the case could have wider ramifications.
    “The judge got it right,” he said. “Florida law enforcement overreached in charging Espinoza as it did. This decision will reverberate throughout the country and hopefully cause federal and state prosecutors to think twice before pursuing similar criminal charges.”
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    The case is one of very few court rulings on bitcoin and there were no regulations whatsoever in Florida before this case, which Judge Pooler noted in her ruling.
    “The Florida legislature may choose to adopt statutes regulating virtual currency in the future,” Pooler wrote. “At this time, however, attempting to fit the sale of bitcoin into a statutory scheme regulating money services business is like fitting a square peg in a round hole.”
    Regulators have been grappling with how to address bitcoin as more Americans adopt it. Many financial regulations operate at the state level. New York has been the most aggressive state in tackling bitcoin, introducing a BitLicense which provides a framework for bitcoin businesses.
    At the federal level, FinCEN, the agency within the treasury department that handles crime, has been aggressively trying to clamp down on illegal activity using bitcoin. The Internal Revenue Service taxes bitcoin as intangible personal property, not currency.

    Correspondent banking and globalisation

    As goes correspondent banking, so goes globalisation

    The IMF’s Christine Lagarde gave a speech to the New York Fed last week, lamenting another sign of globalisation going backwards — the decline of correspondent banking in some of the world’s most precarious countries:
    Correspondent banking is like the blood that delivers nutrients to different parts of the body. It is core to the business of over 3,700 banking groups in 200 countries. A global bank like Société Générale, for example, manages 1,700 correspondent accounts and processes 3.3 million correspondent transactions every day.
    There is a real concern expressed by many of our IMF member countries that their financial lifeline is at risk: in Africa, the Caribbean, in Central Asia, and in the Pacific…
    And to see how much the issue is preying on the minds of officials at the IMF, you only have to look at its recent Article IV country reports, everywhere from Panama, to the Marshall Islands and — as an example of a country encouraging its own banks to end these relationships — the US itself.
    The perceived problem, as we’ve covered before, relates to heightened banking standards in the wake of the global financial crisis — everything from Know Your Customer (KYC), Anti-Money Laundering (AML) and Combating the Financing of Terrorism (CFT) rules.
    They are eating into banks’ cost-benefit rationale for servicing countries such as small island states, war-torn nations or other developing frontiers. At the best of times these areas are only barely profitable for banks. In many cases they’re loss-leading. These days, however, the increased expense is making it an unviable business, causing many banks to withdraw entirely. Banks are not charities, after all.
    A significant part of the increased expense relates to the on the ground due diligence processes banks would have to deploy to satisfy know your customers’ customers regulations.
    Glaringly, Lagarde didn’t hesitate to link the correspondent reversal to the makings of a new systemic crisis for global finance. Though, really, it’s what she was hinting at between the lines which really mattered.
    Take the following statement from Lagarde as an example:
    Although not yet having macroeconomic consequences this issue if not addressed could be of systemic nature. And I have not deliberately addressed what I regard as the weak link that could result from very strange alternatives being put in place in order to facilitate the flow of movement between certain countries which are effectively cut out of the legitimate circuits and channels whereby finance has to flow.
    Lagarde’s point is that as legitimate banks pull out of vulnerable areas, less scrupulous actors will not hesitate to rush to take their place. Unlike the regulated banking network , however, these actors will be inclined to operate below the supervisory radar, thus potentially exposing the entire system to risk again. Many of these ‘strange alternatives’, meanwhile, will hail from the technological sector. (And while Lagarde didn’t explicitly mention cryptocurrency or bitcoin, it’s certainly the case that such systems would qualify as ‘strange alternatives’.)
    This ties into the speech’s other core message: that the solution to the so-called security-access paradox (i.e. if it’s secure it’s not accessible, if it’s accessible it’s not secure) must also lie in technological innovation. Specifically, it must lie in some sort of international and global KYC framework, encouraging the development of KYC utilities which centralise information on customer due diligence.
    So on one hand new technologies are likely to endow opportunists with the tools they need to fill the market chasm left behind by banks, and on the other hand they can and must be used by banks to solve their own cost-benefit problem. With respect to fintech in particular, Largarde’s speech warned:
    If these and other avenues are not pursued and smaller countries are left to fend for themselves, new entrants to the payments sphere emerging from the fintech boom will surely step in. This may not be a bad outcome for consumers, who could benefit from increased efficiency.The outcome may be less positive for society, however, if the banking sector leaves the field to informal – and sometimes illegal – channels of remittances that provide less security. It may even make it more difficult for banks to generate legitimate business.
    In the Q&A session which followed, Lagarde predictably referenced our old favourite the blockchain as the technology most likely to make a difference. She added that her IMF teams were now looking into it as a potential solution to the cost-benefit problem.
    She added that these technologies are coming whether we like them or not, so it makes sense to deploy them transparently as a force for good (as opposed to, we presume, the offsetting force for bad if deployed by the wrong hands opaquely).
    So what’s really going on here? And why does it matter?
    The inference, we’d say, is that the global financial system is sitting at a critical juncture beyond which it could easily bifurcate into two competing networks: one transparent, one opaque. As a consequence, the transparent sector has a responsibility to help vulnerable territories raise their standards to those of the international system potentially at a cost to itself, if not in charitable mode. (Think of somewhere like Panama, for example.) Abandoning these territories to the fate of an opaque system, which doesn’t have their long term interests at heart, endangers not just the territories themselves but threatens the sort of global development which we all profit from in the long run.
    Things are challenged on this front precisely because charity isn’t an appealing option for a profit maximising market financial system. And yet, if such charity isn’t forthcoming, globalisation and all the expanded profit opportunities which come with it might be up-ended.
    It seems increasingly clear, as a consequence, that some sort of permanent “no strings attached” transfer from the rich to the poor must be factored into the framework if globalisation is to keep on track. At the very least, the cost of operating a global transfer and payments system must be factored into the global cost of doing business and be funded, if necessary, on a sunk cost basis.
    Opaque systems like bitcoin are equally challenged on this front but their method for coping with the cost-benefit paradox is much more conniving. They use myth-making and cultic indoctrination techniques to convince those with spare capital to invest, to invest it into a reserve stock which funds the global payments float for the long term and without any par value guarantee.
    Ingeniously, these myths promise such investments will pay off at some unknown point in the future without any explicit commitment that they must. For as long as the myth remains intact and continues to recruit new capital to compensate for the operating costs of the system (which are substantial) and not too much value is cashed out the whole thing squares.
    The system as a consequence courts risk-takers while accumulating a capital buffer which has the capacity to subsidise global remittances on a entirely charitable basis (or for as long as nobody cashes out). But it’s risky and costly for a reason. The lack of a commitment to deploy funds scrupulously on the other side of the delivery point opens the door to the same old tragedy of the commons risk associated with subsidisation systems everywhere.
    In short, with chronic subsidisation there is no guarantee precarious states will acquire the sort of behaviours which can deliver them out of poverty or precariousness in the long term. To the contrary, the exact opposite behaviours may be encouraged instead.
    Correspondent banks and deglobalisation
    All this links into how and why the decline of correspondent banking is stirring the forces of deglobalisation. Currently, as the discussion noted, a lack of private sector confidence has forced central banks to take on the responsibility of lubricating the global financial system mostly by way of FX swap lines. These swap lines were supposed to be a temporary post-crisis measure, but have instead become a permanent feature of the global banking system — in some ways substituting the private swap lines usually provided by correspondent banks.
    Asked if the IMF was in a better positioned to provide these sorts of ‘at cost’ global banking mechanisms, Lagarde noted it wasn’t a bad idea and that she would certainly consider it. Nevertheless her initial instinct was the IMF would need an enhanced structure from a technology point of view and from a market capacity point of view.
    But ultimately the key takeaway point is this. For as long as the private sector remains reluctant to fund the global payments systems, public bodies in developed nations will be required to fill the void in a manner which socialises the costs, impacting their own prosperity. If they are stopped from doing this before the private sector can be wooed back, globalisation could be threatened. Hence, getting the private sector to fund these operations is critical.
    This, however, is much more likely if value creating behaviours can be encouraged in areas currently deemed high risk. To ensure that, however, active and responsible supervision by western institutions must also be part of the course. Yet the cost of that currently is too high to make it worthwhile. Thus, the reasoning goes, if the costs can be brought down with the cunning use of technology then we can all have our cake and eat it.
    Which is all very nice.
    Except, as we’ve recounted before, the view neglects that such costs aren’t necessarily linked to supervision as much as to enforcement. More so, that simply adding everyone’s name to an almighty blockchain in the sky does little to encourage positive-sum behaviours let alone the private sector to underwrite risk in areas where there is a general contempt for the rule of law.
    So unless a global blockchain comes complete with a robotic enforcement division or a new way to of encouraging rich countries to transfer capital permanently to poor countries with no strings attached, we suspect we’ll find ourselves back at square one (or living in a global panopticon system). None of which is all that encouraging.
    Related links:
    Fintech paradoxes, blacklist edition – FT Alphaville
    Dollar re-shoring risk and fintech panaceas – FT Alphaville

    Post in evidenza

    The Great Taking - The Movie

    David Webb exposes the system Central Bankers have in place to take everything from everyone Webb takes us on a 50-year journey of how the C...