“The EU is following Milton Friedman's prescription to make capitalism impervious to democracy...”Spectrezine editor Steve McGiffen was interviewed recently by the British website New Left project. Here's what he had to say:
New Left Project: Do you see the EU as above all an institution that promotes the interests of big business at the expense of the rest of its citizens?
McGiffen: Yes. Its response to the global economic crisis surely demonstrates this. Since the passage of the Single European Act in 1987, the European project's principle function, which is to remove decision-making from democratically-elected politicians and place it into the hands of technocrats representing the interests of corporate capital, has become clearer with each new treaty. The Maastricht Treaty was based on a text written by the European Round Table of Industrialists. Capital's umbrella lobby group. They are actually following Milton Friedman's prescription to make capitalism impervious to democracy, and to use international governmental institutions to do so. The international relations theorist Stephen Gill calls this the 'New Constitutionalism'. What he means by that is that you create a mesh of international treaties and organisations which narrow the choices available to national governments. Whether or not those national governments are elected becomes irrelevant. These institutions include the World Trade Organisation and the International Monetary Fund, but neither of these enjoys the EU's power. Another way to look at this is that it involves a process of 'depoliticisation'. So the decision to make Greece's workers pay the bills run up by the tax-dodging rich and their allies in Wall Street ceases to be seen as a vicious attack on the working class and comes to be defined as an unavoidable policy based on technical details beyond the understanding of mortal man or woman.
New Left Project: What is the significance of the enormous corporate lobby in Europe? Does the lobby have genuine power to change policy, or does its presence merely reflect the already pro-corporate nature of the political establishment in Brussels?
McGiffen: This is a good question, in the sense that it's pretty difficult to answer. On the other hand it's a bad question in the sense that I'm tempted to say 'who cares?' In general I don't buy into the 'weak state' view of modern global politics. With rare exceptions, modern states exist to represent the interests of capital, though other interests are usually influential on them. Those readers familiar with Gramsci's concept of a historic bloc will know this kind of analysis, one aspect of which is that a hegemony is established in part by the dominant class accepting that it must make concessions to other social forces. So the NGOs in Brussels, for example, for the most part act as parts of a complex state – or, as the EU isn't quite a state as such as yet, an IGO with certain state-like features. They enable the EU to respond to social pressures which might otherwise find no legitimate expression and thus be forced to adopt extra-parliamentary tactics. So the enormous lobby in Brussels is not entirely corporate and though the political establishment there is pro-corporate, it is able to incorporate other impulses from other social forces. But we mustn't exaggerate: the corporate lobby is bigger by far than all of the non-corporate lobby put together. If corporations did not fund a huge lobby they would not be able to advise the Commission – the really important decision-making organ in Brussels – as to what they could and could not live with. This was clear in environmental policy, which was the area I worked on from 1999 to 2005 as an advisor to the United Left in the European Parliament. In addition, the corporate lobby aids the process of technocracy. The Commission could not write laws in keeping with the needs of corporate capital without their help. Having said that, there's an impressive cultural unity, just as there is in the British ruling class, except it's multilingual and therefore able to bullshit in any number of languages. All these buggers come from the same families, eat at the same tables of overindulgence, sleep with each others spouses and conduct their disgusting social lives in each others' company. There is no clear dividing line, and in fact a revolving door joins the worlds of corporate and political elites.
New Left Project: Could the EU be reformed to make it (a) more amenable to progressive influences, and (b) a genuinely democratic institution?
McGiffen: To (a) I'd say yes and no, which is to say that the modern state will always be open to stealing the left's clothes. They're all feminists and environmentalists and anti-racists, at least in public - just don't mention class. In Britain, look at the reaction to Gordon Brown's mild jibe about the playing fields of Eton. This isn't just hypocrisy. There are bourgeois thinkers who know damned well that excluding half of your potential workforce from various occupations and layers of decision-making due to their lack of penises is bloody silly and inefficient, ditto excluding people from anything at all because their skin isn't white. And if you're an educated woman or an educated person of colour this is not to be sneered at. I would even accept that it's progressive. What it isn't is socialist. And there is no way that the EU can be open to socialist influences, because its constitution, the Treaty of Rome as amended, most recently by the Lisbon Treaty, makes social democracy, let alone socialism in any sense which goes beyond that, illegal. This is what puzzles me about the pro-EU 'left'. Haven't they read the Treaty? Are they too thick to understand it? Do they have some entirely new definition of socialism which does not rely on social ownership of important sectors of the economy? Or are they just bloody liars? As for (b) - becoming a genuinely democratic institution, well, here I'd say that genuine democracy at such a level, i.e. Europe-wide, could only be based on a highly-devolved system, where the interpretation of what's known in the jargon as 'the principle of subsidiarity' would be very different indeed. The European Commission's definition of this term is that "EU decisions must be taken as closely as possible to the citizen. In other words, the Union does not take action (except on matters for which it alone is responsible) unless EU action is more effective than action taken at national, regional or local level." So this would have to be reinterpreted and then respected. What's actually happened is that with each new treaty things have gone in entirely the opposite direction to this, becoming more and more centralised. Corporate influence has increased concomitantly. It's not hard to understand why.
New Left Project: Should the left advocate withdrawal from the EU? Is there no room for a truly leftist form of European federalism?
McGiffen: To be honest I find the question of the UK withdrawing from the EU a bit tiresome. It isn't going to happen, and advocating it simply takes the political conversation in the wrong direction. I'd like to see it happen, certainly, though largely because of the complete chaos into which the international capitalist system would be plunged by a British withdrawal. The trouble with campaigning for withdrawal is that you end up in the same camp as scum like UKIP. For me this is all about class, and I don't see Britain as some sort of oppressed nation where classes can legitimately unite for national liberation. So what's important is that people keep hammering away at the issues: the way in which the EU undermines democracy, is used as an instrument to attack workers' rights and living standards, and the way that it undermines internationalism by making real cooperation – ours, not theirs – much more difficult. Withdrawal I would view opportunistically, which is to say, if the opportunity arises and it does not do so as a result of a rising tide of xenophobia, go for it. I'm fighting a class war, though as I'm 56 next week I'd prefer a job with the general staff, if you don't mind! Whatever brings us closer to socialism I'll go with. I can't see any 'leftist' – gods, what a bloody awful word! - form of federalism under current circumstances, no.
New Left Project: What is the significance of the Lisbon Treaty?
McGiffen: The incorporation of market capitalism into a Treaty which can be changed only by the unanimous consent of the member states locks us into a neoliberal economic system some distance 'to the right' of the post-World War Two socio-economic accord on which the welfare states of western Europe were based. By doing so the Lisbon Treaty seeks to eliminate what social democracy created, which was a state transformed from a classical Leninist construct, a simple instrument of bourgeois dictatorship, into a terrain of class struggle. Social democrats, and (in practice) all European parties to the left of social democracy of any size or significance, have long behaved as if they believed that the state could be won for the cause of social progress without a 'Leninist' revolution being necessary. If revolutionary change is taken to mean root-and-branch transformation of the constitution of a state, whether by violent or non-violent means, then revolution has been the only route to a post-capitalist society in Europe since the adoption of the Treaty on European Union (aka the Maastricht Treaty). However, Lisbon closes any remaining loopholes, any avenues for compromise, any legal route whatsoever to socialism, as well as creating the possibility of a military force. The only question remaining to us is what form such a revolution can possibly take in a world where power is so diffuse, the forces of repression are so well-organised and so heavily-armed, while what should be the forces of progress arse about on the fringes, concentrating their attention on solidarity movements and identity politics while ignoring their own working class. I am not optimistic.
New Left Project: What do you foresee on the horizon regarding the European project? What key developments are likely to take place?
McGiffen: Despite having described the current crisis of the euro in some detail a decade ago, I'm not really much of a Nostrodamus. All I can say is that the imbalance of a well-organised and desperate European elite and a disorganised - especially on the international level - and confused working class is not something to inspire optimism. Even on that happy day – and it could happen – when the whole Euro-shebang drops to bits, it's hard to see anything good replacing it. The vanguard party is clearly, to anyone with more than half a brain, an inappropriate instrument for organising working people and their allies in 2010. Something has to replace it, but no-one seems really to be considering what that should be, or doing much about it.
New Left Project: You have for a long time been involved with the Dutch Socialist Party. You seem to regard them as unique in Western Europe for being a genuinely socialist party that has attained significant political representation. First of all, can you explain the key policies of the SPNL?
McGiffen: The SPNL is far from being a perfect model, and would not claim to be. And I would say that the most important thing about it is not its policies, which might look much like those of any European parliamentary party of the genuine left, but its form of organisation. The SP is close to being a mass party, with almost 50,000 members out of a population of around 16 million. It is active on many fronts, and has built itself up from local level into a national party over some four decades, but in particular in the last fifteen or so years. It is, unfortunately, almost certainly about to suffer its first major electoral setback. Having gone from nine to twenty-five seats in the 2006 election – which took place in the wake of the referendum on the European Constitution, where the party led the successful 'no' campaign – it could well go back down to nine in one fell swoop on June 9th. This is less significant than it might seem, however, though it's hard to make this point without sounding like a bullshitting politician! Parliamentary politics is only one strand to the SP's bow. It's active on the streets and in the neighbourhoods, and for example played a major supportive role in the recent inspiring victory of a lengthy national strike of cleaners. You can read all about the party, in English, and keep up with its views and activities, on the 'World' pages of its website
New Left Project: Can you explain how a genuinely anti-neoliberal party has managed to achieve inroads in the Netherlands, whilst there is no such comparable force in Western Europe? What lessons can be learned from them by leftists in other countries, especially the UK?
McGiffen: It's hard to apply lessons learned in one country to experience in another. The SPNL had various advantages: an electoral system which is ultra-proportional. There are 150 seats in the national parliament and if you get 1 vote in 150 on the basis of a national list you get one of those seats. Secondly, democracy means rather more in general in Dutch society than in Britain, where hardly anybody seems to know or care what it means. So while I wouldn't want to exaggerate this, the left gets a rather fairer hearing than you would in Britain. People might disagree with socialist views, but they tend to have some idea what they are, whereas the political ignorance of the average Briton makes trying to present arguments for socialism sometimes futile, generally frustrating and often quite surreal. The only way to tackle that is from the base up. The SP began life in 1972 by knocking on people's doors in the small industrial town of Oss and asking them, basically, what they were fed up about. If you did that, or some equivalent, in modern Britain you might have to listen to a lot of racist crap, but you need to engage with that. And you might identify areas where an organised force of honest men and women who want to move the country closer to socialism could intervene. You are not going to get very far by concentrating on international issues or matters of identity, important though those things are, because most people don't see them as important and you have to start from where people are.
New Left Project: What achievements do the Dutch Socialist Party have to their name? And what threats do you think they face in the foreseeable future?
McGiffen: Their greatest achievement is to have become a serious force in Dutch politics at a difficult time for the left in Europe. Their leadership of the referendum which defeated the European Constitution was astonishing. I was actually present at an early planning meeting for this campaign and everyone was talking about how great it would be if we could get a good vote, that a 40% no in such a core country would be one in the eye for 'Brussels' and its attempts to undermine our democratic and social achievements. Then, after listening to this for a while, one man banged on the table and said, 'Nee, hoor! Wij gaan winnen!' - "No, listen here, we're going to win!". And it galvanized the meeting and made me think the ruling elite had a bit more on their hands than they had bargained for, which certainly turned out to be the case Another achievement might be seen as a bit of a mixed blessing, but is surely a good thing overall. Politicians on all sides in the Netherlands began, as a result of the SP's success, to see that television appearances weren't enough. They revitalised their youth movements and the social side of their activities. The SP is a social organisation as well as a political party, and other parties have learnt from this. They use the full range of technologies and to good effect. Their website has been voted the best political website in the country more than once and their campaign videos have won awards from the advertising industry! You can also, and I have to say this reflects the relatively democratic nature of the Dutch political system, point to numerous small achievements in terms of laws they been able to influence for the good, privatisations programmes slowed or diluted, deportations halted, and so on. The Labour Party has to look over its left shoulder all the time. As for dangers, well, if the poor poll showing - the reasons for which are many and complicated but really do not reflect any incompetence or poor decision-making by the party itself – are followed by a similar result in the election they will have to deal with defeat, something of which they have almost no experience. The danger will be demoralisation within the party and the loss of the mystique of constant success to those outside of it. The longer-term threat is the danger that confronts all left parties which try to engage in parliamentary politics, which in my view you absolutely have to do – and that is the danger that you will become a social democratic party. For me that's less about policies, which are fleeting things which must respond to events, than about organisation. As soon as you begin to prioritise parliamentary work, as soon as you start to wonder if militancy is costing you votes and to care that it might well do so, you are on the rocky road to social democracy.
Let me add one remark. As I said, the SPNL is not a perfect party. But it is a radical left party, and a successful one. All I read about from the British left is the success of faraway socialist movements. Well, President Chavez is also far from perfect, but the importance of solidarity with his movement is widely recognised. Yet hardly anyone knows about the SP. It's a few hours away by train, it doesn't have colourful Latin music or a past fighting in the mountains, their weather is just as lousy as the weather in England, but what it is doing is just as important and much closer to home. It would do the Dutch socialists good to have more grass roots contact with socialists in Britain and elsewhere, and they have resources which could help make that possible. But the initiative will have to come from you. Talk of a Fifth International makes me cringe when I know that socialists in Manchester or Hull don't even know that there is a vibrant, militant and colourful party just over the water, full of friendly folk who can converse in English.